Why Italy is quietly boosting ties with al-Assad

Despite adhering to the EU's policy parameters towards Syria, Rome has not completely aligned itself with its European partners.

Similar to its European counterparts, Rome recalled its ambassador to Damascus in 2012 and complied with the EU-imposed sanctions on al-Assad. Nonetheless, Italy's stance towards Damascus has displayed a degree of inconsistency over the years.

The two countries appear to maintain a certain degree of cooperation, particularly in intelligence matters. There were reported meetings between Mohammad Dib Zeitoun, the former head of Syria's General Directorate of Security, and Alberto Manenti, the former head of Italy's external security agency, in 2016.

Additionally, there were controversial visits, such as Ali Mamlouk's reported visit to Rome in early 2018, which sparked outrage in European circles. Both Zeitoun and Mamlouk have been under European sanctions since May 2011.

Italy's ambivalence towards Syria became even more evident after 2017, owing to the regime's military gains in Syria and other domestic political dynamics within Italy.

Between 2017 and 2019, at least two Italian delegations, led by Paolo Romani – a prominent member of the centre-right party and former chairman of the Forza Italia group in the Senate – travelled to Damascus to meet with Syrian officials.

In 2019, Italy made a surprising announcement regarding the reopening of its embassy in Damascus, which contradicted its official position of refraining from any rapprochement with the Syrian regime. However, Rome only appointed a chargé d'affaires and not an ambassador, falling short of a full restoration of diplomatic ties.

Enter Meloni

In October 2022, when a new government led by Giorgia Meloni took power in Rome, it became apparent that Italy was ready to shift its diplomatic approach.

Meloni, who had praised the allies of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for protecting Syrian Christians, set the stage for Rome to take bolder steps towards Damascus, following the lead of many other nations in the region.

Read more: Can Meloni fill Merkel's shoes?

In February 2023, the Italian Development Cooperation Agency made headlines by signing a controversial agreement with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. This marked the first such agreement between a public agency of an EU member state and an organisation closely associated with the Syrian regime and its inner circle.

Against this backdrop, Stefano Ravagnan's recent visit to Damascus becomes less surprising. Like Italy's past strategic moves towards Damascus, the trip of its Special Envoy to Syria is unlikely to result in an immediate and complete reconciliation with al-Assad.

Such a move would risk straining relations with Western allies and the US, especially without clear financial gains amid economic sanctions.

Tactical objectives

Instead, Italy seems focused on strengthening its ties with al-Assad to achieve tactical objectives. Similar to some Arab states, Rome may be aiming to curb the trafficking of Captagon from Syria, particularly after Italy itself became a transit country for the drug.

Additionally, Rome could be enticed by the prospect of countering human trafficking, with the Syrian Cham Wings airline being accused of transporting migrants to Libya before making their way to Italy.

By re-establishing direct communication channels with Damascus, Italy could also be positioning itself as a potential European mediator in the Syrian conflict.

Despite its desire to reap these gains, Rome appears hesitant to pursue this objective at the expense of its European partners.

That could be to its lack of trust that re-establishing contact with the Syrian regime would be enough to persuade al-Assad to make concessions, as exemplified by the Jordanian reconciliation efforts, which have so far failed to achieve any genuine progress with Damascus.