Iraq's false patriotism is fuelled by delusion

Its logic and mechanisms align closely with those of its predecessors, envisioning a divided society fuelled by an "us versus them" mindset.

Ultimately, it fosters a defensive yet passive perspective, hindering our ability to engage with and embrace the global community.

Shunned contributions

It's worth noting that last year, US Ambassador Romanowski and her government contributed a total of $164 million in support of numerous civic, cultural, educational, economic, and credit institutions in Iraq.

If this support had come from anyone else, it might have been praised and embraced by proponents of this superficial nationalism.

However, since the ambassador and her country's institutions are foreign to Iraq, a particular brand of patriotism rears its head again – questioning, warning, and spreading fear, while positioning Romanowski as a symbol of all that originates outside of the country.

Like others before it, Iraqi patriotism is imbued with toxic masculinity.

Look no further than the demeaning words, statements, and judgments directed at the ambassador, primarily targeting her gender, appearance, and personal life.

Or perhaps look to the many derogatory labels and sexualised expressions used in this crusade. A masculine foundation is clear, depicting the "other" or foreigner as an object to be controlled.

But Iraqi patriotism (much like the aforementioned rhetoric-filled nationalism and militant political Islam) rings hollow due to a persistent ignorance of its own history, the realities of its nation and society and a delusion that it can deceive others.

Foreign female influence

For starters, Iraqi patriotism fails to acknowledge that the entire existence of Iraq is indebted to another foreign woman.

Without the decisive influence of Gertrude Bell – who served as an advisor to Percy Cox, the chief political officer of the Indian Expeditionary Force – over British strategy after World War II (particularly at the Cairo Conference of 1921, which laid the foundation for present-day Iraq), the nation would not have come into existence.

Iraq would have likely been a state without the Mosul province, encompassing the Kurdistan region and significant portions of the northern and western Sunni regions – and perhaps even without Basra.

Without Bell, Iraq would have been reduced to disputes among tribal chiefs and religious leaders. Yet, Bell insisted on establishing a unified and viable state that transcended ethnic groups, sects, regions, and faiths, with modern constitutional, executive, military, and economic institutions.

Ignorant to puppeteers

Further, this patriotism is ignorant of the fact that it is politicised, managed, and controlled by various sovereign propaganda entities and apparatuses.

These puppeteers harbour strong political and ideological inclinations, seeking to isolate Iraq from the world and mould it into a partisan entity akin to Iran or North Korea.

Through a well-organised and comprehensive army of cyber brigades, they inundate the public sphere with false slogans, fabricated claims, and misleading narratives.

Believers in this hollow patriotism are left with no choice but to conform to the dictates of such a strategic agenda.

Total alienation

The result is a movement that is void of genuine unity or collective desire. Instead, it's a manipulated political project that hopes to consolidate power by isolating the country from its own people.

Iraqi patriotism is selective, targeting specific individuals rather than recognising Iraq as an independent entity with internal sovereignty governing its interactions.

So while Iraqi patriotism vehemently rejects individuals like US Ambassador Romanowski, it remains silent and even expresses support for actors like Iran, whose interventions infringe upon the country's sovereignty.

The peak of this self-deception can be found in how such patriots view Iraqi society. To them, Iraqi society is a cohesive unit – a single entity.

This shows a disregard of day-to-day realities, wherein a significant portion of the society demands Iranian interventions, and others view such interventions as blatant aggression; meanwhile, a different perspective exists in relation to Turkish interventions and strikes.

A key distinction

The question is – is all patriotism, both within and outside of Iraq, necessarily false?

Absolutely not.

There is a way for us to differentiate between fake and genuine patriotism.

Initially, pan-Arab nationalism emerged as a progressive and enlightening movement seeking liberation from the Ottoman Empire's legacy. It embraced communication, integration, and freedom.

However, under Nasserist and Baathist regimes, it morphed into a repressive political system that stifled its own people, promoted hostility toward the outside world, and shunned international involvement.

Likewise, social Islam, once a space for diverse civil groups and communities to coexist, has now become closed off and resistant to modernisation and global engagement due to politics.

False patriotism, in the end, is a distorted variant that recalls aspects of 1950s Iraq and Syria.

Ultimately, this brand of Iraqi patriotism cherry-picks and targets specific actors instead of acknowledging Iraq as an independent entity with its own sovereignty.

It does itself a disservice by zeroing in on a single puzzle piece while disregarding the bigger picture it belongs to.