Hezbollah’s sordid history of organised crime

The proceeds from these activities were reportedly meant to fund terrorist operations in Lebanon and Syria. The operation involved the cooperation of security services from seven countries, including France, Belgium, Germany, and Italy.

Arab countries targeted

Recent reports suggest that as Arab countries have increasingly become targets for Hezbollah's drug trafficking, specifically involving Captagon, there are indications of some Captagon labs being relocated from Syria to Lebanon.

Initially, the drug manufacturing industry focused on Lebanese territories, particularly along the Lebanon-Syria border. However, due to Hezbollah and Iranian militias gaining control over large parts of Syria and the intensified law enforcement raids in Lebanon, the manufacturing process shifted to Syria.

Read more: Can US-UK sanctions dismantle Syria's drug industry?

A portion of the production was then smuggled into Lebanon through illicit border crossings, with the Qalamoun crossing being particularly noteworthy, before being distributed to other countries. It should be noted that Hezbollah and its affiliated entities exert control over these illegal crossings.

Lebanon punished for Hezbollah's drug trafficking

The majority of Captagon shipments were smuggled from Syria to Jordan and Gulf countries using trucks designated for export. Several smuggling attempts from Lebanon to the Gulf countries were foiled, resulting in negative consequences for Lebanon.

Two years ago, Saudi Arabia announced the interception of a smuggling attempt involving 2,466,000 narcotic pills concealed within a shipment of pomegranates from Lebanon. As a result, Saudi Arabia decided to ban Lebanese vegetables and fruits from entering its territory or being transited through it.

Despite the significant losses suffered by Lebanon and its people, Hezbollah has continued its manufacturing and smuggling of Captagon pills. There are even reports indicating that farmers collaborating with Hezbollah have expanded their cultivation of carob, which is used to wrap the Captagon pills.

Ironically, the Captagon production labs in Syria are widely known, from Deir ez-Zor to Al-Qusayr and other areas. The individuals responsible for running these labs and the processes involved in equipment acquisition, raw materials, and manufacturing are also well-known.

Even those loyal to Iran and the Syrian regime are aware of and discuss these matters.

The smuggling routes along the borders of Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey are also well-documented. Although stopping the production and smuggling of Captagon has become a prime concern for many affected countries, those who profit billions of dollars from this illicit trade are unlikely to abandon it.

They may alter their tactics concerning smuggling routes and destinations, and they may even sacrifice some of the smugglers and traffickers. While these individuals may be important, they are ultimately replaceable in the trade. 

It is important to note that Mustafa Badr al-Din, whom Hassan Nasrallah eulogised in his speech, was involved in carrying out attacks against the embassies of the United States and France, as well as the airport in Kuwait.

He was arrested in 1983 and sentenced to death in 1984. Al-Din remained imprisoned until 1990 when he escaped during Iraq's invasion of Kuwait.

Subsequently, he was involved in several assassinations targeting political and security leaders in Lebanon, including Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. Therefore, it is not surprising that individuals who consider al-Din a fighter deserving of commemoration and martyrdom are involved in the Captagon trade.

People are no longer falling prey to the false claims made by Nasrallah and his party. Organised crime cannot be equated with resistance, and it is the Shiites themselves — with the exception of a few who participate in these crimes — who bear the brunt of these actions.