Syrian political prisoners still languish in Lebanese prisons. Why?

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa wants Beirut to transfer the roughly 170 Syrians in jails such as Roumieh. For years, Beirut wanted to do so, citing costs. Now, suddenly, there are obstacles.

Syrian political prisoners still languish in Lebanese prisons. Why?

“It is 6:18 am in Damascus, Syria is free of Bashar al-Assad.” With these words, Hussein Al-Sheikh announced on Al-Hadath TV the fall of the Assad regime on the morning of 8 December 2024. When he fled, it liberated Syrians from a tyranny whose full horrors are still being discovered.

Every day brings forth a new atrocity, a fresh mass grave, another account of torture and killing that defies even the darkest imagination: children torn from their families, erased with the stroke of an official’s pen, then sold—quite literally—by Assad’s men. Reduced to commodities, detainees were trafficked, their organs harvested.

Back in December, prison doors swung open, and the living emerged, yet the fate of tens of thousands remains unknown. Stories began to surface from Saydnaya Prison and the Far’ Falastin (Branch 235). The world saw where and how the harrowing photographs of Caesar (the famous whistleblower) were taken. Hearing the stories, many had turned a deaf ear, refusing to believe what they were told.

Gates still closed

Seven months have now passed since liberation, and Syrians are returning to life, yet not all prison gates have yielded their secrets and detainees, some of whom remain deprived of the most basic conditions for survival. Around 170 detainees, imprisoned over their involvement in the Syrian revolution, continue to languish in Lebanon’s Roumieh Prison, still awaiting freedom, still longing to return home.

The extent of Assad’s arbitrary arrests and brutal torture has slowly become known, but less well known is that some Syrians have died under torture on Lebanese soil. Though the region has seen huge change, Lebanon’s political structure remains stuck on repeat. It is as if, deep down, some there refuse to believe that Bashar al-Assad has truly gone and are simply awaiting his return, eager to prove their loyalty.

Around 170 detainees, imprisoned over their involvement in the Syrian revolution, continue to languish in Lebanon's Roumieh Prison

Who are these 170? One is Hassan Harba, a humble young man driven from his hometown of Qusayr by Hezbollah militias. Seeking refuge in Lebanon, he sold milk and cheese. On 26 February 2015, he went to the General Security office in Baalbek to regularise his residency status. There, he was arrested and transferred to the Ablah branch of Lebanese military intelligence in the Beqaa Valley.

Mistaken for another man (Hassan Younes Harba, known as Abu Ali al-Wadi), he was subjected to brutal torture and forced to confess to a false identity. Despite testimony and documentation confirming that Abu Ali al-Wadi was killed in combat in Syria, and despite Hassan Harba's personal details bearing no resemblance to the wanted man, the military court sentenced him to life imprisonment. All for sharing a name.

Claiming and blaming

Two months ago, a US federal court in Washington ruled that Lebanon's military judiciary operates as an instrument of Hezbollah, the Iran-backed militia that rode to Assad's aid at the beginning of the Syrian civil war. It is therefore no surprise that dozens of Lebanese citizens have been imprisoned on fabricated charges for over a decade without trial, simply for voicing support for the Syrian revolution.

Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa is reportedly pressing Beirut to release Syrian prisoners held in Lebanese jails, but Lebanese authorities seem reluctant to find a solution, even though they have major issues with overcrowding. Some think Lebanese officials may even be using the issue of Syrian prisoners as leverage in negotiations over other matters.

This has angered Damascus and raised serious questions about the nature of their future relations. Since they came to power in December, no Syrian official has raised Hezbollah's actions in Syria, nor demanded compensation for the crimes Hezbollah committed against Syrians under the watchful eye of the Lebanese army, nor filed complaints in Lebanese courts against the Lebanese security agencies implicated in the torture and death of Syrians.

Some think Lebanese officials may even be using the issue of Syrian prisoners as leverage in negotiations over other matters

Both countries have claims, with some Lebanese calling for compensation for Assad's crimes, and for clarity on the fate of Lebanese citizens who disappeared in the Assad dynasty's prisons. Such demands are entirely legitimate, but such one-sided appeals reveal a troubling and selective approach to justice. The Lebanese government is reportedly awaiting a formal visit from Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani. Does a delayed meeting justify the continued imprisonment of people in dire conditions?

Goodwill needed

After his visit to post-liberation Syria, former Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati announced that the detainees would be handed over to Syria, and the current Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam raised the matter during his own trip to Damascus, so what is the hold-up? In a sign of its importance, Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa has pledged to personally oversee the detainees' case.

Before 6:18 am on 8 December 2024, Lebanese officials kept insisting that Syrian detainees be transferred back to Syria, citing the cost of housing and feeding them. Every minute after 6:18 am on 8 December 2024, Syrians have made the same demands. Yet suddenly, the same calls are no longer being made from Lebanon, where a process long sought is now mysteriously hindered by "legal complexities."

If the relatively new Lebanese and Syrians governments are going to get along well with one another, the issue of Syria's political prisoners languishing in Lebanese jails needs to be resolved, and quickly. If not for the sake of bilateral ties, then for the sake of people like Hassan Harba. The region runs on goodwill. For al-Sharaa and his ministers, some urgently needs to be shown.

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