Can transitional justice bring IS members to account?

The scale of crimes and sheer number of victims — combined with massive shortages in resources and personnel — make prosecution through the traditional legal system difficult

Can transitional justice bring IS members to account?

The Kurdish autonomous administration in north-east Syria has recently released 20 Islamic State affiliates for maintaining good behaviour during their detention period and indicated that others will be released soon.

Despite their efforts to process detainees suspected of links to IS over the past four years, the de-facto authorities in north-east Syria are still struggling to bring the group’s members to justice.

The scale of crimes and sheer number of victims — combined with massive shortages in resources and personnel — make prosecution through the traditional legal system difficult.

An alternative approach would be transitional justice mechanisms, often used after political conflicts to redress human rights abuses. So far, however, the relevant authorities do not seem inclined to implement such solutions.

At stake is the long-term stability of north-eastern Syria.

There are tens of thousands of families with ties to IS and, in the absence of a credible justice process, an enormous risk of extrajudicial revenge killings targeting not only former militants but their entire extended families. The current judicial approach simply cannot cope with the volume of cases and the atrocities involved.

There are tens of thousands of families with ties to IS and, in the absence of a credible justice process, there is an enormous risk of extrajudicial revenge killings targeting not only former militants but their entire extended families. The current judicial approach simply cannot cope with the volume of cases and the atrocities involved.

The self-administration's efforts to bring justice to IS victims are largely focused on detaining the group's affiliates and, when possible, charging them with terrorism offences. To that end, local counter-terrorism courts were set up to prosecute thousands of locally-recruited IS members who are in custody.

Mounting challenges and concerns

On top of concerns regarding due process — particularly the fact that suspects are not allowed representation by defence lawyers — these counter-terrorism courts are seriously understaffed and limited in number. At the current rate of prosecutions, it would probably take more than a decade to process the cases of all of the IS suspects in detention.

Additionally, court proceedings take place behind closed doors and are not disclosed to the public. This lack of transparency has caused distress among many victims who have witnessed IS members being released without publicly confessing to their guilt.

Another concern is that the local administration is holding tens of thousands of civilians with ties to IS or its members in camps scattered across the north east. Most of them are women and children who are not officially under arrest, but, in reality, they are being detained in the camps with no clear strategy on how to deal with them.

Read more: Visit to IS camp stark reminder of hidden but ever-present terrorist threat

More broadly, the current counter-terrorism approach has largely failed to address the full range of crimes committed by IS. This is because there are still no official mechanisms or entities to obtain and process information from the families of victims.

Hence, counter-terrorism courts are mainly focusing on establishing whether IS members were fighters in order to establish their guilt or innocence, but there is no clear method of highlighting the personal responsibility of individuals for war crimes or crimes against humanity.

These courts also do not allow victims to file charges for crimes such as rape, theft and kidnapping or to provide evidence against IS members.

Alternative mechanisms

To overcome the limitations of this counter-terrorism framework, the Kurdish self-administration could use transitional justice mechanisms to establish accountability for IS crimes and help local communities heal.

The formation of community-led fact-finding commissions could help to document and gather evidence about the full range of IS crimes, including individual responsibility. The commissions could also complement counter-terrorism trials by sharing findings with relevant local authorities and encouraging victims to participate in proceedings.

Besides, the commissions could consult with residents of the region on alternative paths to justice, such as monetary compensation and public apologies, to bring about a sense of closure to the victims. 

Commissions could consult with residents of the region on alternative paths to justice, such as monetary compensation and public apologies, to bring about a sense of closure to the victims.

Clearly, some compensatory measures should be limited to former IS members who did not commit violent crimes or were released for lack of evidence. Those who committed serious crimes should be tried while ensuring the participation of victims in court proceedings, with transparency about the verdicts.

All this is currently lacking.

While much time has been lost, it is not too late for the international community, the local self-administration entity and Syrian civil society groups to develop more coherent transitional justice mechanisms to ensure victim participation and to hold IS members to full account for their crimes.

In the absence of such an effort, the long-term stability in that region will remain jeapoardised regardless of the Islamic State's territorial defeat.

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