Head of the Muslim Brotherhood Parliamentary bloc, Dr. Mohamed Saad Al- Katatini, looks at the Egyptian State Security Department hits that have recently targeted some of the leading figures of the Muslim Brotherhood as an early arrangement made by the regime in preparation for the next parliamentary elections. It is also meant as a preliminary step towards enforcing the regime inheritance scenario.
In an exclusive interview with The Majalla, Katatini underlined that the Brotherhood is poised for any abrupt decision by the regime to dissolve the parliament. He described such a decision, if it were ever made, as having nothing to do with any constitutional stipulation, but rather with the National Democratic Party interests alone. He hinted that it is possible that the Brotherhood may go into the next elections under any other slogan that that of "Islam is the only solution", and that this slogan is not a sacred cow that the Brotherhood are worshipping.
The interview turned basically on the political scene in Egypt, the aura of confrontation between the Egyptian government and the Muslim Brotherhood, the next electoral battle and several other issues.
The Majalla - The Brotherhood leader Abdel Moeim Abou El-Fotouh did not escape the recent detention campaign and there are accusations charging some Mulim Brotherhood Parliamentary members with money laundering and holding contacts with the International Movement. How do you explain that? Do you expect the worst to come?
Dr Mohamed Saad Al-Katatini - No accusations have been directed at us and we haven’t been summoned by any authority. It is just that our names were among those listed on an investigation memorandum, as the media announced, in much the same way as other names were, whether those living here or abroad. Concerning the recent detention campaign, it comes within the context of a security and media campaign to which the Muslim Brotherhood has been subjected. There are internal, regime-specific reasons behind this campaign and others related to the Muslim Brotherhood and its stance on the Palestinian file, which supports resistance against the Zionist-American project. This project is in harmony with the interests of the regime. As for the regime-internal reasons, we can argue that the regime is making its preparations for the next parliamentary elections by directing pre-emptive security strikes against the leading figures of the Brotherhood. In view of the regime's failure to salvage the country from its current crisis, it is expected that it will lash back at the opposition, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood.
Q - It is to be observed that the Muslim brotherhood as represented by its parliamentary bloc is keen to avoid any escalations with the regime. At the same time the regime is continuing its security strikes against the Brotherhood's cadres. Doesn't that sound contradictory?
A - We can always differentiate between the political performance of the government, which is an object of the Brotherhood's lawful criticism as an opposition front and government officials themselves, including Dr. Ahmed Nazeef. We bear no malice against these officials. Just we may find faults with their performance, within the framework of our supervisory powers. At the end of the day, politics is a kind of football game in which there must be a loser and a winner. At the end of the game, both teams shake hands and brace themselves for another round. Politics does not mean that you have to burn all your boats.
Q - The word is that dissolution of the parliament and early elections are on the horizon. In this atmosphere, how does the Muslim Brotherhood see the political scene in Egypt now? Do you think that dissolving the parliament is an exigency? And what about The Brotherhood's propaganda that the regime inheritance scenario is going through its final stages?
A - The political scene in Egypt is unpredictable and no future scenario can be anticipated with any precision, because the ruling party and its government monopolize all information. No one knows whether or not the parliament will be dissolved or when the elections will be held. Following certain statements made by leading NDP figures, it is being circulated that the decision to dissolve the parliament is imminent. This is also propagated by pro-regime mediamen. Generally speaking, there is no constitutional exigency that necessitates this step. But everything in Egypt is possible. NDP pundits who have been inventing excuses over 30 years to justify the emergency state will not find it difficult to find an excuse for dissolving the parliament. They will say then that the parliament dissolution was dictated by a party-political need. So the same can be done with regard to the regime inheritance scenario. At any rate, The Muslim Brotherhood will remain in direct contact with the public and will pursue their organized engagement with the society. Our MPs are accomplishing their duties until the last minute. In the event of an abrupt decision to dissolve the parliament being made, we are ready to go through the electoral marathon, whether this year or in 2010.
Q - Serious constitutional amendments have recently been passed by a parliament encompassing the largest Brotherhood bloc ever. It is argued that the regime got these amendments passed in front of your eyes. Your comment, please
A - To start with, the Muslim Brotherhood bloc is nowhere different from any opposition bloc in any of the parliaments of the world. We act within the confine of our duties and responsibilities towards the nation. The Muslim Brotherhood do not oppose for the sake of opposition. Just we provide alternatives, then it is up to the majority bloc to adopt our alternatives or not. Have you ever heard that the minority in any parliament has ever taken the ultimate decision? It is our role as an opposition bloc to contribute our opinions, suggest alternatives and enlighten the people. Then the majority shoulders the responsibility in front of the nation. The people are the ultimate decision-maker and only the people can decide whether they will re-elect the majority bloc or choose otherwise.
As for the constitutional amendments, we proposed a comprehensive project to alter some provisions in the Constitution. We drove home our point of view on the matter and exposed the loopholes in these provisions. When we felt that nothing would be changed and that the amendments proposed by the government would be more or less passed, we boycotted the sessions and declared our outright rejection of these amendments, blaming the majority and the NDP members for letting them pass. Even if the Muslim Brotherhood MPs should withdraw from the parliament, as some demanded at that time, the ruling party would still be holding two thirds of seats. By the authority of the constitution, it can get anything passed, whether the Muslim Brotherhood MPS stay or go.
Q - The People's Assembly has recently passed a Law that allocates 64 seats for women, or what is known as the Women's "quota". How do you justify the refusal of the Muslim Brotherhood of such law, despite it serving the interests of Egyptian women?
A - We refuted this law, unveiled its unconstitutionality, and have shown that it disregards the principle of equal opportunities and consolidates discrimination in the community. It is one of the rare laws which was unanimously rejected by the independent and party-political opposition in tandem with the Brotherhood. But despite this, the National Democratic Party, which represents the majority, has passed the law. We are not against increasing the representation of women in Parliament. We have provided alternatives for this, which can be established through strengthening the participation of political parties and civil society organizations, and through the removal of security restrictions on political life. The representation of Women in The People's Assembly can be gradually increased without the need for them to have a fixed "quota". But we cannot impose our view on others, because democracy is to say your opinion and respect the decision of the majority.
Q - But some say that the Brotherhood has certain interests to gain from the passing of the law?
A - As the law has been passed, and since it has entered into force, we have started studying how to take advantage of it, in order to try to expand the base of political participation of women. We will nominate some candidates to go through this experience. The Brotherhood is not against the political participation of women. On the contrary, it supports the expansion of such participation. We are only standing against the law which the government drafted.
The Brotherhood is now considering the possible constituencies in which it might be able to compete, but we haven’t yet decided on the number of candidates. The coming elections are expected to be difficult, because of the vast geographical area covered by the constituencies, which will require a great effort on the part of the political parties participating in the elections. Generally speaking, competing for these seats does not constitute a problem for us.
Q - The approach of elections always raises a heated argument about your slogan "Islam is the Solution". Is it the Brotherhood's intention to change their election slogan in the forthcoming elections?
A - Why should we change our slogan?! It is an election slogan that does not fall under the recent constitutional amendments. In addition, during the mid-term elections of the Shura Council the Administrative Judicial Courtruled that it was not a religious slogan, and that the Brotherhood has the right to uphold it, in addition to its right to invent other slogans. The Brotherhood does not consider "Islam is the Solution" a sacred slogan. We can run for the next parliamentary elections under other slogans. But we would like to emphasize that our current slogan is not a criminal one.
Q - What are the most prominent aspects of the Brotherhood's participation in the upcoming electoral battle? Will it vary from the participation of 2005?
A - The major aspects of our participation in the upcoming elections are not yet determined. The Brotherhood is still studying the matter. The final form of the electoral system, on which the elections will be based, and whether they will be held according to the individual electoral system or the system of electoral slates, has not yet been determined. Also, the law dividing the constituencies has not yet been issued, due to the emergence of new governorates such as Helwan and Six of October. In addition, women constituencies according to the new law of "quota", have not yet been demarcated. Therefore, when the laws governing the electoral process are issued, they will determine the form of the Brotherhood's participation, and the number of its candidates who will be running for the elections.
Q - In light of the new American president adopting a positive approach in dealing with the Islamic world, have you made any contact with the Obama administration? Did his last speech in Cairo disappoint the Muslim Brotherhood?
A - No contacts have been made between the Brotherhood and the new American administration. There are no channels for exchanging views with the U.S. As for Obama's speech, it was disappointing with regard to the Palestinian issue. And, regarding the issue of political reform, we do not count on the intervention of the Americans to achieve reform in the country, but we want a purely Egyptian reform agenda. We continue demanding the ruling party to enter into a dialogue with the opposition factions in order to reach a common ground on the subject of a program for national reform, but the regime continues to practice an exclusionary policy, and to deal with the opposition according to the logic of marginalization and delivering strikes aimed at weakening the opposition in order for the regime to control the political scene.
Q - You are talking about the United States not accepting the introduction of an Islamic party in Egypt while it accepted the same in Turkey?
A - There is a difference. Turkey and Egypt have different circumstances and there is a big difference in liberties and democracy between the two countries. The Turkish experience enjoys a wider space and maturity despite the fact that the ruling regime there is military and secular. But when the people were given the freedom to choose without interference, the Justice Party claimed power. However, in Egypt we are trying to grab a room for freedom, while the regime is doing its best to minimize that space.
Q - You have welcomed before the proposal of introducing a Christian party. Is this a formula suggested by the Brotherhood in exchange for allowing it to form its own party?
A - If the Christians want to establish their own party, this is their right and I don't object. But it will be a civilian party because the constitution bans forming parties on a religious basis. The same applies to the Muslim Brotherhood. When they call for establishing their party and it will be a civilian one as well.
We are not the authority that grants party-forming licenses. So no one can say that we are courting the Christians. But the party affairs' committee is the authority charged with that and it is headed by Shura Council president and ruling party secretary-general Safwat Sheriff.
The committee includes the interior and justice ministers and other NDP figures as members. This committee is the core of the problem as the NDP sorts out its opponents carefully through it, except the major parties like Wafd, Tagamua and Nasserite, which were established before the emergence of this committee.
But the political scene now witnesses more than 20 parties hardly known to the Egyptian public. However, they represent only a form of false pluralism being witnessed on the political scene in Egypt.
