China-Arab Summit signals potential of new era

The inaugural China-Arab Summit which took place on 7 December in Riyadh was Beijing’s first major multilateral event overseas and in the Middle East region as a co-host in the context of the post-twentieth National Congress and the Covid-19 pandemic.

In-person meetings between China and some regional powers had already taken place earlier this year when the foreign ministers of Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman and Bahrain, and the secretary general of the Gulf Cooperation Council also paid a visit to China in January with Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed and Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani attending the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic Games.

However, the China-Arab Summit was an unprecedented gathering aimed at constructing a new framework that represents the common interests of Arab countries. Senior officials from both sides have praised the summit, viewing it as a significant milestone in the history of China-Arab relations.

The evolving geopolitical landscape of the Middle East, however, continues to complicate China’s regional role and its interaction with Arab countries, as well as the League of Arab States, particularly in the area of hegemonic competition.

To advance its interests without touching on sensitive security issues, China has adopted a nuanced approach in the region which focuses on its economic ties with key Arab states. It also plays a limited role in mediating geopolitical tensions to avoid direct confrontation with the West and its security touch points.

Therefore, the summit was the perfect place for China to identify common interests with Arab countries and revitalise ‘South-South’ cooperation based on a partnership that prioritises an economic security framework over a traditional security framework based on alliance-building which has been championed by Western countries.

Western-led security agenda

The Western-led security framework in the Middle East has unilaterally defined security policies in the region for decades. The West’s approach to the region’s peace and development has been in the form of forming alliances and making enemies at the expense of local citizens’ livelihoods.

The security architecture constructed by the United States and its allies has also centred on narrow American interests such as restricting Iran’s nuclear capability and reducing China and Russia’s influence.

As a consequence, the oil-for-security framework has long lost its meaning as the US has failed to honour its security promises — always prioritising its own interests over the interests of its oil trading partners.

Saudi Arabia, in particular, stands to benefit from building and maintaining an effective level of autonomy in its external relations within the region and with China.

Being the biggest recipient of Chinese investment among Arab countries, with Beijing’s investments growing every year, Saudi Arabia is benefiting from its economic ties with China at both the state and community level, turning away from the traditional Western-led security framework to an economic security framework based on a pragmatic bilateral partnership.

More proactive role needed

However, before such an economic security framework based on mutual understanding can develop into an economic security policy, both China, as the biggest investor, and Saudi Arabia, as the biggest recipient among Arab countries, would need to proactively take up leading roles in defining and redefining economic (in)security for Arab countries.

This should be done in a way that economic ties are effectively governed by multilateral frameworks such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the China-Arab Summit, while also ensuring that the concerns of other Arab nations are taken into account and respected.

Factors leading to economic insecurity in the region, in particular, could overlap with those causing general insecurity. Nonetheless, approaches to economic insecurity would certainly differ from those to general insecurity.

For example, state-owned enterprises from China which act as the main actor in driving solutions and development in, and for, Arab countries and the wider region should further diversify their capabilities to be not only investors and builders but also mediators.

To improve its standing and involvement in the Middle East, China should work towards advancing an economic security framework with major players like Saudi Arabia through multilateral platforms such as the China-Arab Summit — that is, of course, if distancing itself from geopolitical tension remains a viable option for Beijing.

The traditional Western-led security framework has dominated the region for too long and the American agenda in the region benefits no one except Washington. With the US gradually withdrawing from the region, no country looks poised to fill in the so-called vacuum that it is leaving behind.

Limited concerns

From the Chinese perspective, Beijing does not have a diplomatic objective to play a security role because its concerns are limited to maintaining maritime security, rescuing Chinese nationals, and mediating in issues of security or crisis.