Change in Kurdistan

Change in Kurdistan

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Nawshirwan Mustafa is a prominent Kurdish politician, and currently the leader of Goran, the Movement for Change. The co-founder of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and their former chief strategist, he has been at the forefront of Kurdish politics for decades. He was involved in the Kurdish uprising in 1991 which contributed to the establishment of autonomy for Kurdistan from the Iraqi government.

In addition to his career in politics, Mustafa is also known for his role in the media. In 2007 he established the Wusha Corporation in Sulaimaniyah. This media branch consists of a newspaper, radio channel and website. "We have attempted to change Kurdish politics from the inside, now let us attempt it from the outside," said Mustafa regarding the relationship between his political intentions and the creation of the media company.

The Majalla: In your opinion how did the Iraqi elections affect the political influence of the Kurds in Baghdad?

Circumstances showed that our stance against the elections law was right. We in Goran, the Movement for Change, sharply criticized the latest modification on the elections law, calling it a complicated and unfair bill that would lead to problems and conflicts. We said it loud and clear. This law is greatly unjust to the Kurds and we expected that the number of seats of the Kurds in the parliament would be reduced, which is exactly what happened. Even the Iraqi President who endorsed the law and insisted on approving it criticized it strongly a few days ago.

Q: Some claimed your participation in the elections as independent from the Kurdish National Union undermined Kurdish presence in the government. What do you think of those allegations?

Those allegations are untrue. We believe the participation in the elections through different parties strengthens the Kurds. The most important achievement of the elections was that the Kurds’ representation has been largely and fundamentally changed. In the past the representation was limited to two parties but now Kurds have more options. This will expand the participation of Kurds in the decision making process and end the monopoly of politics by the two main parties.

Q: What are the objectives of Goran, the Kurdish Movement for Change, as the leading opposition group? What does change mean to you?

The objectives of Goran are clear. We refused participation in the government of Kurdistan Province because we promised to remain committed to our programs and objectives. These objectives include ending partisan interference in daily life and ending the dominant parties’ overall monopoly over the state authorities. We support a real democratic regime in which the government is free from the domination of the ruling parties and the law is above all with no exceptions. We struggle to make sure the government serves the interests of the people, not just the parties in power.

Q: What do you offer that the PKU and the Kurdistan Alliance have failed to offer? How are you different from the other main opposition groups, namely the Kurdistan Islamic Union and the Islamic Group?

The PKU and the Kurdistan Alliance failed in everything we call for in our political platform. They fell short of establishing the pillars of democracy, transparency and good governance in Kurdistan. They set up a totalitarian regime, which was received with resentment. In those circumstances Goran was established. Its emergence was a historic need.

We are different from all of the other opposition groups in many aspects. Their ideology is based on Islamism and they also support a vertical government structure similar to that proposed by other Kurdish parties. Goran, on the other hand seeks to build a broader and more democratic structure with a wider participation in a transparent decision-making process. The rise of Goran was the beginning to a real opposition in Kurdistan.

Q: Your party recently met with opposition groups to discuss your roles in the Iraqi parliament. What did you agree on and what were the main factors of your discussions?

We met with all of the parties. The first meeting was with the opposition parties in Kurdistan, and then the other opposition Kurdish blocs that won the elections joined us. A committee was formed to draft the negotiation paper that the united Kurdish delegation would discuss with other Iraqi lists. It is now forming the bylaw of a coalition comprising the Kurdish blocs to unify stances on crucial issues.

The creation of a real partnership in decision-making among the Kurdish blocs, in defending the democratic regime in Iraq, as well as the support of the legitimate rights of the Kurds were the main issues we discussed.

Q: Article No. 140 of the Iraqi constitution called for an official referendum in Kirkuk but it was postponed for fear of sectarian violence. Do you think it was a wise decision?

Before the implementation of Article No. 140 of the Iraqi constitution the Kurdish parties should have first built trust between the ethnic groups, second, presented an attractive administrative model, and third assured neighboring countries. Only then could one consider implementing the article.

Q: What are the concessions Goran Movement promises to make in order to hasten the implementation of Article No. 140?

For Goran it is more about dealing in a favorable way with all of the components in the regions included in Article No. 140 of the constitution than making concessions.  Reaching just solutions will guarantee peace and coexistence between the different groups. The success of its implementation is contingent on Iraqi national will. If the national will on this issue is strong, talks could be held on how to implement it in a way that reinforces peace and strengthens national belonging.

Q: If the discussions on Kirkuk and other disputed areas do not reach a timely resolution, how might American withdrawal affect relations between Iraqi Kurdistan and Baghdad?

Solving the issue of Kirkuk and disputed regions should be based on fair national grounds. I hope we reach fair solutions without the interference of foreign powers. The impact of the US withdrawal depends on the will of the Iraqi political elites. If we reach a common solution then we do not need the US presence. If not, the situation will get worse with or without the US withdrawal.

Q: As a Kurdish leader, how do you aim to protect the interests of Kurds living in other countries?

The Kurdish issue is a just one and cannot be solved through violence and repression. I hope the countries sharing Kurdistan reach a solution in a peaceful and democratic way, through dialogue  and without the use of force.

 

This interview was conducted by Paula Mejia

 

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