Student protests test France's Republican promise

Education reform is at the heart of the demonstrations shaking Paris and beyond, with thousands already arrested, but the government’s ability to meet learners’ demands is limited

A masked protester holds a placard reading "Education is a right, not a privilege" as part of nationwide protests called by the "Yellow Vests" movement demanding better school conditions in France on 17 October 2026.
REUTERS/Abdul Saboor
A masked protester holds a placard reading "Education is a right, not a privilege" as part of nationwide protests called by the "Yellow Vests" movement demanding better school conditions in France on 17 October 2026.

Student protests test France's Republican promise

The French government’s hopes of containing the country’s secondary school protests appear to have been dashed, as the movement retained momentum into its fourth week. This was evident in the demonstrations on 13 October. The Interior Ministry reported that there were 161,500 demonstrators (including 41,500 in Paris), down from 266,000 a week earlier, but student organisations and trade unions put the figure at 480,000, up from 450,000. Both sides have an interest in massaging the statistics to suit their narrative.

The number of secondary schools closed by the protests reportedly fell from 800 to 214, but the drop was not immediately evident on the streets, as Tuesday’s march through Paris showed that the movement had lost none of its vigour and, if anything, had widened its circle of solidarity. The next is planned for Saturday 17 October, which is expected to bring together school and university students, trade unions, farmers, and groups associated with the Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests) protests in France in 2018.

Demands for educational reform are now accompanied by grievances over the rising cost of living and the plight of farmers. In the past, protests whose focus has diffused have tended to peter out, so the coming weeks will show whether the movement can sustain its campaign of social pressure. The demonstrations will also test the authorities’ response to this expanding mobilisation. Police tactics have already been criticised by politicians, unions, and human rights organisations, not least because many of the protesters are schoolchildren.

The protests come amid mounting economic pressure, months before France’s 2027 presidential election, when voters will elect a replacement for the centrist incumbent, President Emmanuel Macron. According to the French National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE), public debt reached 119% of gross domestic product (GDP) in June, one of the highest ratios in the world. Meanwhile, rising living costs and declining purchasing power are squeezing households.

All this sharpens demonstrators’ questions about public spending priorities, public services, and opportunities for the young. The protests have also opened a new front in the struggle between the political left and right over the future of France’s social model. In a recent issue, the conservative weekly news magazine Le Point asked whether that model had expired, as the far-right, led by Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN), argues.

Pascal LACHENAUD / AFP
This photograph shows a fire burning at the city hall after a group of individuals forced entry into the building during ongoing protest action against the "high cost of living", in Limoges, central France on 17 October 2026.

The government must now abate the public’s anger without abandoning its fiscal responsibilities, yet the protests are also an early test of politicians’ ability to win over a new generation of voters, as the crisis in education becomes entangled with the wider struggle over the country’s social and political future. The student protests began on 18 September in Créteil, a suburb south-east of Paris, then spread to other suburbs, including Saint-Denis, where pupils blockaded schools and disrupted classes.

The demonstrations then spread beyond Paris, becoming a national demand not just for educational reform but for social justice and the political representation of young people. Key to the students’ anger are the French reality of overcrowded classrooms, teacher shortages, and school buildings in need of refurbishment to improve things like ventilation, heating, cleanliness, sanitation, kitchens, and equipment.

Demonstrators are also calling for the abolition of Parcoursup, the platform governing admission to undergraduate degree programmes, and Mon Master, which manages applications for master’s degrees. They want €10bn spent on improving conditions in secondary schools and reform of how educational opportunities are distributed among social groups and geographical locations, particularly in the suburbs of Paris.

For the working class, school is one of the only paths to upward social mobility; it is also a microcosm of the inequality between the middle and upper classes

Michel Kokoreff, French sociologist, professor, author

Structural crisis

Michel Kokoreff, a sociologist and professor at Paris 8 University and author of the 2025 book Émeutes (Riots), thinks the protests point to a long-term structural crisis. "The problems highlighted by secondary school pupils are nothing new," he told Al Majalla. "Teachers' unions have been raising them for nearly a decade." Teaching conditions, dilapidated buildings, no replacements for absent teachers, overloaded timetables, and a lack of transparency surrounding Parcoursup have all contributed to the current rage.

According to Kokoreff, social inequality in educational attainment "has reached acute levels among working-class groups with less cultural capital, and in educational institutions with fewer resources". This stems from the 1980s, he says, arguing that they raise fundamental questions about the place of schools in French society. In 1985, Education Minister Jean-Pierre Chevènement set a target of 80% of each age cohort to reach baccalaureate level.

Kokoreff said this profoundly unsettled the education system, because it expanded access to higher education without addressing underlying social and geographical inequalities, carrying those disparities into new stages of education. There were still vast differences in school resources, pupils' social backgrounds, the subjects taught, academic pathways, optional courses, and grades. This gave rise to a fundamental paradox: the more essential educational qualifications became to social and professional integration, the harder it was to translate them into genuine opportunities.

For working-class communities, Kokoreff said school "represents the only prospect of upward social mobility, yet at the same time it embodies the despair born of unequal competition with the middle and upper classes". Under such conditions, he said it has become "difficult to believe in the Republican promises of equality". He argued this is at the root of the protests and central to the message students seek to convey. What distinguishes their movement from earlier protests, in his mind, is that these students "no longer believe in the promises" made by authorities.

REUTERS/Stephanie Lecocq 
A protester holds a placard reading "Efforts must be made. Starting with Bernard Arnault" as part of nationwide protests called by the "Yellow Vests" movement demanding better school conditions in France on 17 October 2026.

Question of priorities

France's recent fiscal choices reveal another dimension of this inequality. The crisis in education is wrapped up in the larger debate over public spending priorities, as the population ages, pension costs rise, and public debt climbs. Researcher Jérôme Fourquet thinks the student protests are linked to a growing imbalance in how public money is distributed between generations and argues that the elderly are more likely to vote, leading politicians to prioritise pensions over education.

According to figures cited in his analysis, France spent 6.5% of GDP on education in 1975, and 7% on pensions. By 2026, education accounted for 7% of GDP (a rise of 0.5%), but pensions had doubled to 14%. Over the same period, the median age of the population rose from 30.5 years in 1975 to 42.5 years in 2026.

In an article titled France on the Brink of Chaos, writer Nicolas Baverez warned of three interconnected crises: fiscal, social, and political. In his view, rising debt and departing investors are narrowing the government's choices, while educational inequalities and declining purchasing power are fuelling social tensions. He cautioned against weak economic growth and further increases in debt and budget deficits unless something changes, adding that France may be forced to seek financial assistance.

Whatever the outcome, public debt levels make it difficult to finance improvements to public services. The student protests have brought the social cost of austerity into sharp focus. The French government responded by announcing plans to deploy 3,000 substitute teachers to the secondary schools worst affected by staff shortages, and ministers have met student representatives, but the protesters are unconvinced, arguing that the measures announced do nothing to fix the underlying causes of the crisis.

The student protests are part of a wider struggle over who speaks for young people and how to understand their anger

Michel Kokoreff, French sociologist, professor, author

Student scepticism

Speaking to Al Majalla, Philemon Jouglet, a representative of the Union of Secondary School Students' Unions in Paris, shared his doubts that the measures would bring about meaningful change, since substitute teachers can be assigned to schools far from their homes, often to teach subjects outside their areas of expertise. Jouglet thinks this would cover only two million of the 20 million teaching hours lost every year, so advocates continuing protests.

Others interviewed by Al Majalla doubt the movement's staying power but share the feeling that the government's response is inadequate. One student at the prestigious Sorbonne felt it failed to meet the demands of pupils and students, particularly the €10bn for education and the abolition of the Parcoursup and Mon Master platforms. Another university student protester, who also requested anonymity, said they expected the protests to subside, and felt the government's measures would have little effect.

Two pupils at the Sacré-Cœur (Sacred Heart) secondary school in Paris's fifth arrondissement said the government had yet to convince them, and that they intend to continue protesting for their right to a better education, pointing to the disparity in resources between schools in Paris and those in the suburbs, where the problems appear more severe.

Heavy-handed

Police intervention heralded a more confrontational phase. Officers have so far confronted demonstrators with tear gas and rubber bullets, with clashes leaving more than 200 students and several police personnel injured. The scale of the arrests has also raised questions about the authorities' response and the limits on the use of force against demonstrators, many of them minors.

According to the Justice Ministry, 6,877 people were arrested from 28 September to 8 October. Of those detained, 86% were minors, and 2,376 face criminal proceedings. The figures are comparable to the number arrested during the Gilets Jaunes protests of 2018, which illustrates the scale of police mobilisation over a relatively short period.

Kokoreff said violent police interventions, serious injuries to students (one lost a hand), and the unprecedented number of arrests have helped fuel the protests, adding that reports suggest that police officers were instructed to intervene "without restraint" against protesters as young as 14. The government, meanwhile, has focused on condemning "violence" while press coverage has been dominated by accusations that the left-wing party La France Insoumise (France Unbowed) is behind the protests.

Macron initially responded to the demonstrations by saying: "I understand the concerns, and sometimes the anger, that our young people may feel." However, he added that "none of these debates or concerns justifies violence". The comments speak to the struggle to define the protests. The authorities and the far-right regard them as a bout of disorder requiring a strong response; the left sees them as an expression of social grievance whose underlying causes demand attention.

REUTERS/Jack Taylor
A protester holds a placard reading "Capitalism eats until you starve, so eat the rich" during a day of demonstrations against the cost of living in France, on 17 October 2026.

Broader concerns

With France's 2027 presidential election just half a year away, the protests have played into the country's pre-existing political polarisation. The demonstrations are increasingly a test of politicians' relationship with a new French generation. Kokoreff said the placards carried by demonstrators show wit, humour, and inventiveness, which evidences the political maturity of today's young.

He added that left-wing and liberal organisations, as well as parents' associations, supported the protests and helped them spread. Yet their involvement, Kokoreff said, should not be taken as evidence that the protesters have been manipulated by those with other agendas. That has not stopped the government from making such claims. The interior minister highlighted La France Insoumise in particular, saying: "Stop filling our young people's heads with baseless claims."

Kokoreff said the protests are part of a wider struggle over who speaks for young people and how to understand their anger. Le Pen said "violence has entered secondary schools" and called for "better security and the restoration of calm," but far-left leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon chose to criticise the police, saying: "Wherever the police are absent, everything goes well."

The government is describing the student protests as 'urban violence' and 'riots', singling out marginalised groups, ethnic minorities and low-income families

Michel Kokoreff, French sociologist, professor, author

According to Kokoreff, the government's use of phraseology such as 'urban violence' and 'rioters' has singled out marginalised groups, particularly those from ethnic minorities and low-income families. "It has declared war on them, demanding that they submit to authority through the use of force," he said, adding that police violence serves to reassure a section of the electorate sympathetic to Le Pen's RN. This has led to racist and Islamophobic insults being hurled at protesters (investigations into racism have already been opened).

Four weeks after the first protest, French students' grievances have gained international resonance. In a leaflet distributed by pupils outside the Lycée Henri-IV in Paris's fifth arrondissement, the pupils summarised the situation succinctly. "Generation Z is rejecting a future of misery and war," the pupils wrote.

"The movement in France has become a model for movements abroad, from Belgium, Germany, Italy, Spain and Greece to Chile. Within just a few days, messages of solidarity with secondary school students began arriving through social media from countries across Europe. They all carry the same message: Your struggle is our struggle! We face the same problems everywhere."

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