Can the Taliban implement the 'Syrian model'?

When US forces withdrew from Afghanistan five years ago, Syrian rebels drew inspiration from the Taliban. Today, the roles are reversed.

Syria's foreign minister, Asaad al-Shaibani, meets with Taliban foreign minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi, on the sidelines of an OIC meeting in Istanbul on 21 June 2025.
AFP
Syria's foreign minister, Asaad al-Shaibani, meets with Taliban foreign minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi, on the sidelines of an OIC meeting in Istanbul on 21 June 2025.

Can the Taliban implement the 'Syrian model'?

It has been five years since the US-led NATO invasion of Afghanistan came to an end on 15 August 2021. In the run-up, the Taliban had already encircled Kabul as per the Doha Agreement between the Taliban and the first Trump administration, paving the way for its eventual takeover. The US withdrew, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani fled, and the army did not put up a fight.

The mere mention of the US-led military intervention in Afghanistan is enough to send shivers down Western diplomats' spines. They would rather forget the colossal failure altogether: 20 years of gruelling fighting ended in the Taliban retaking Kabul and re-imposing the same extremist version of Islam that the coalition had ostensibly been fighting against. Women are prohibited from working, and girls from school; music and entertainment are also banned, and non-Pashtuns have again been relegated to second-class citizens.

Despite this grim reality, this week's Economist cover was titled We must talk to the Taliban. For her part, Lyse Doucet, the Chief International Affairs Correspondent of the BBC, is also back in Kabul, fresh from her bestselling book, The Finest Hotel in Kabul. The willingness of Westerners to now engage is perplexing, given the dire conditions Afghans are living under. Malnourishment is at a record high; poverty is so bad that children are being sold into slavery, and women have virtually disappeared from public life.

The most serious challenge to the Taliban has been in the northeast, where the National Resistance Front led by Ahmad Massoud has been clashing with Taliban forces. Massoud and other opposition leaders such as Khalid Noor of Jamiat e Islami say they tried to talk to the Taliban to get it to implement more reforms, but the group has not been receptive. In fact, the Doha Talks were meant to deliver a ‘new Taliban’—one that would not discriminate against women or non-Pashtuns, and adopt a more modern outlook. But that never happened.

Wakil KOHSAR / AFP
Afghan burqa-clad women walk past a roadside mural in Kabul on 11 December 2025.

Roles reversed

It is ironic that when the Taliban took over Kabul, jihadist rebels in Syria's Idlib province celebrated and distributed sweets in the streets. It gave them hope that one day, if they were patient, they too could eventually triumph against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, just like the Taliban did with the Americans. But now, the Taliban are looking to al-Sharaa as a source of inspiration. After his fighters toppled the Assad regime in 2024, al-Sharaa has been steadily implementing a model of reconciliation to steer Syria out of a 15-year destructive war.

Anas Haqqani, one of the faces of the new Taliban regime, has often publicly praised Syrian leadership in bringing Damascus out of international isolation. Behind the scenes, the even more powerful Sirajuddin Haqqani, the Interior Minister, and Mullah Yaqub, the Defence Minister, have both wanted to implement the Damascus model of Islamist governance. To this end, Saudi Arabia organised the first meeting between the Taliban and the Syrian leadership on the sidelines of the Hajj this year.

The Taliban's interior and defence ministers want to implement the Damascus model of Islamist governance.

Although al-Sharaa's "new Syria" is not perfect, it has shown a level of flexibility that the Taliban have not. For example, government-issued edicts banning alcohol and women from wearing makeup were promptly reversed after public backlash. Al-Sharaa appears to be testing the waters to see what Syrian society can and cannot accept. This shows that, when push comes to shove, he can keep hardline clerics in check.

The Syrian leadership has also been mindful that what is acceptable in Idlib and perhaps Aleppo's rural countryside does not necessarily work in the urban, religiously diverse quarters of Damascus and Aleppo. Al-Sharaa has maintained a delicate balancing act: protecting more liberal aspects of Syrian society while also avoiding upsetting his core base.

AFP
Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa visits a polling station in the country's selection process to designate an interim parliament, in Damascus on 5 October 2025.

Similarities and differences

While the Taliban haven't been as flexible as al-Sharaa, that doesn't mean they can't be. Indeed, the Taliban and Syrian jihadist fighters have a lot of similarities. Many younger Syrian fighters and leaders grew up in refugee or internally displaced camps in Idlib or Türkiye. Many are not even from Idlib, but ended up living and training there and took on a unique identity later referred to as 'Idlibee'.

Similarly, the Taliban are mostly from refugee camps in Pakistan or in the border regions, so they also have a distinct identity which is not necessarily Afghan. This has made it hard to adapt to wider Afghanistan and has alienated it, despite overwhelming military supremacy.

But the fact that al-Sharaa hails from the upper-class district of Mezze in Damascus allows him to better navigate the divide between posh Damascenes and the religious ideologues who have only seen war and refugee camps.

Five years after the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, the roles appear to be reversed. At the time, Syrian rebels drew inspiration from the Taliban victory over the US; today they look to al-Sharaa's more flexible governing model as a better way forward. This may one day be achieved, but until then the Kabul leadership will be taking close notes.

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