JD Vance and the reinvention of US conservatism

From smalltown Ohio to the White House, the Vice President has forged a new conservativism that connects family, faith, and jobs with the belief that markets work best when they support communities

US Vice President JD Vance is advocating ideas that are refining American conservatism.
Al Majalla
US Vice President JD Vance is advocating ideas that are refining American conservatism.

JD Vance and the reinvention of US conservatism

When James David Vance emerged as one of the Trump administration’s principal advocates of negotiations with Iran in July 2026, the dispute surrounding the talks exposed more than a disagreement over the Middle East. His insistence that US decisions be guided by US national interests, even when they diverge from those of a close ally, reflected the political outlook he has developed over the past decade.

For Vance, ‘America First’ is more than just a campaign slogan; it connects foreign policy, industrial renewal, family life, and national sovereignty within a single governing philosophy. That larger ambition has made Vance one of the Republican Party’s defining figures. It has also made him one of the clearest advocates for a conservatism less confident that global markets, military intervention, and individual choice alone are sufficient measures of national success.

Middletown to Silicon Valley

JD Vance first entered national political consciousness through his book Hillbilly Elegy, published in 2016 (an elegy is a sad, reflective poem or song that laments the death of a person or mourns the loss of something in the past). The memoir traced his childhood between Middletown, Ohio, and his family’s Appalachian roots in Kentucky, describing a world shaped by industrial decline, addiction, and domestic instability. Its central question was why a life he called “quite ordinary”—of education, work, and family—had become so difficult for children from communities like his.

Rebecca Droke/Reuters
US Vice President JD Vance and Second Lady Usha Vance visit the site of a 2023 train derailment in East Palestine, Ohio, on February 3, 2025.

The book was politically resonant. Vance described economic hardship as inseparable from damaged relationships and fragile institutions. “Chaos begets chaos,” he wrote, linking childhood insecurity to patterns that persist across generations. Amid rising concern over addiction, suicide, and declining opportunity in working-class communities across the United States, it offered a personal account of social decline, rather than a statistical explanation.

Published during Trump’s first presidential campaign, it was widely treated as a guide to the voters driving the populist revolt. Its longer-term significance, however, lay in asking what would come to define Vance’s politics: what happens when the institutions of ‘ordinary life’ no longer provide stability or belonging, and can economic growth alone repair the damage?

Those questions remained central to Vance’s thinking as he moved from Yale Law School into venture capital in Silicon Valley. He worked briefly in corporate law before joining Mithril Capital, co-founded by Peter Thiel. He later worked with Revolution’s Rise of the Rest initiative, which invested beyond the traditional technology hubs, and in 2019 launched Ohio-based Narya Capital.

These roles introduced him to the networks of finance and tech while highlighting the widening gulf between regions attracting investment and those left behind by deindustrialisation. His years in venture capital led to the conviction that markets and investment should strengthen productive work, domestic industry, and local communities.

Memoir to moral vision

Politically, Vance’s second memoir, Communion, offers the clearest account of the role faith plays in his thinking, and presents Catholicism as a language of discipline, duty, and formation, rather than simply personal belief. The observation that “real grace comes through practice” captures a wider principle in his political philosophy. Freedom is cultivated through habits and relationships, making families, churches and local communities, not merely private institutions but essential foundations of a functioning society.

AFP
Pope Francis meets with US Vice President JD Vance in the Vatican on April 20, 2025.

The same ideas also help explain Vance’s positions on major social debates in contemporary US politics. His opposition to abortion, restrictive approach to immigration, defence of traditional understandings of family and marriage, and scepticism towards tighter gun regulation reflect the view that stable families, national cohesion, and civic responsibility provide the social foundations on which political freedom ultimately depends. Supporters argue these positions reinforce institutions that have weakened over time, while critics say they restrict individual rights and exclude those outside this conception of social order.

Vance’s years in venture capital did not produce an enthusiasm for the market liberalism traditionally associated with Silicon Valley. Instead, they reinforced his view that investment and innovation should prioritise national renewal over global efficiency. His political emergence therefore reflects a fundamental reassessment of conservatism within the Republican Party.

Reinventing conservatism

For decades, the dominant model emphasised lower taxes, deregulation, free trade, and limited government. While successful economically and electorally, it had less to say about declining manufacturing, the relocation of supply chains, and the growing disconnect between national prosperity and the experience of many communities. Vance’s response is not a rejection of capitalism but the proposition that markets should be judged by the society they sustain, as well as the wealth they generate.

JUSTIN TALLIS / AFP
Protesters gather outside the offices of Google at a protest against the development of advanced Artificial Intelligence systems in London on 28 February 2026.

His life as an investor deepened his conviction that capital should support productive work, domestic industry, and regional investment, not growth for its own sake. This means a more active role for the state through industrial policy, tariffs, and strategic investment to bolster key sectors and reduce dependence. These ideas found a home in American Compass, a conservative think-tank promoting industrial policy and domestic manufacturing, where Vance became a leading voice.

Vance does not reject capitalism but proposes that markets should be judged by the society they sustain, as well as the wealth they generate

These ideas mark a shift in Republican thinking, moving away from an emphasis on consumer choice, economic efficiency, and market competition as the principal indicators of freedom. Vance instead asks whether an economy also provides secure work, supports family life, and preserves the productive capacity on which both national prosperity and security ultimately depend. In his view, economic success cannot be measured by cheaper goods alone if it comes at the cost of weakened communities and declining industries.

The appeal of this message extends well beyond economics by recasting declining work and manufacturing as part of a wider project of national restoration linking industry, family, faith, and national identity. The programme nevertheless exposes tensions. A more active state sits uneasily with traditional Republican values of limited government, while economic nationalism and industrial policy raise questions about trade, prices, and the party's longstanding relationship with business interests.

America First as statecraft

Vance extends the same reasoning to foreign affairs, contending that national influence depends on industrial capacity, secure supply chains, and social cohesion. Military strength, in this view, depends on a strong domestic economy. Foreign policy should therefore be judged by whether international commitments reinforce or weaken the country's long-term economic and social foundations.

Jim WATSON / POOL / AFP
US Vice President JD Vance tours the USmilitary's Pituffik Space Base in Greenland on March 28, 2025.

The administration's negotiations with Iran offered an early opportunity to apply this approach. While insisting that US policy should be guided primarily by US national interests (rather than allies' preferences), the Vice President argued that diplomacy was compatible with clearer strategic limits, identifiable objectives, and greater restraint towards open-ended conflict. Alliances remain valuable, provided they reinforce—rather than define—US strategic priorities.

The same logic informs Vance's criticism of nation-building and his insistence that European allies assume greater responsibility for their own security. Trade, defence and industrial policy become parts of a national strategy centred on sovereignty, understood as the capacity to set national priorities and avoid strategic dependencies. This synthesis is what distinguishes Vance within contemporary Republican politics. Family stability, productive work, faith, industrial capacity and foreign policy are treated not as separate agendas but as interconnected elements of a broader conservative project.

AFP
US Vice President JD Vance, US Second Lady Usha Vance, along with their children disembark from Air Force Two as they arrive in Azerbaijan on February 10, 2026.

If applied more fully in government, this would likely influence economic and foreign policy, as well as family law, immigration, abortion, and the state's role in sustaining what Vance regards as the country's moral and social foundations. The long-term influence of this approach will depend on Vance's political trajectory. He has said he will consider his next steps after the 2026 midterm elections in November, with a possible presidential campaign in 2028.

Such a candidacy would test whether this emerging conservative vision can outlast Trump's leadership to develop into a durable governing programme. Even if it does not, Vance has already helped shift Republican debate away from trust in markets to a different understanding of national purpose. His intellectual and political trajectory has written the elegy for traditional US conservatism.

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