To the promised land: the Jordan that is possible

Buffeted by the region’s frequent crises, Jordan has come through relatively unscathed, with a formula that combines talent and pragmatism. The challenge now is to take the country to the next level

To the promised land: the Jordan that is possible

Since 2010, Jordan’s increasingly complex political landscape has imposed what the philosopher Karl Popper might describe as a new form of holistic social engineering, its effects being felt deeply in the country, both economically, socially, and politically.

Confronted with rising pressures, the state sought to pre-empt any unrest, intervening directly to craft immediate remedies until June 2018, when the so‑called ‘banks’ revolt’ erupted against the second government of Hani al‑Mulki, after it introduced a draft income tax law that threatened banks’ high profitability. During that period, royal intervention took several forms. The king met citizens to hear their demands, suspended unpopular government decisions, initiated broad cabinet reshuffles, and even dissolved parliament. All were responses to an increasingly demanding public.

It was Jordan’s attempt to contain the impact of the Arab Spring, which had ushered in a new protest culture, an unfamiliar vocabulary of popular expression, and methods that at times exceeded traditional boundaries—particularly in peripheral regions long neglected by development. That neglect may have prompted the monarchy to undertake certain reforms, increase democracy, acknowledge poor living conditions and other grievances, and launch new development projects, especially in the south.

Navigating upheaval

The period also saw the emergence of social protest movements with distinct names, political identities and organising frameworks, but most failed to translate their broadly similar demands into a coherent reform agenda. Their trajectories called for a deeper reading, to understand the forces that shaped them and what might have followed had Jordan not navigated its own ‘spring’ without major upheaval.

Throughout these crises, Jordan did not sever its connection with its Arab sphere. Political Islamists were seeking to capitalise on revolutionary momentum. losing part of the pragmatism that had characterised their relationship with the monarchy since the mid-20th century. That relationship continued to deteriorate, until it ultimately ended in a formal ban of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Meanwhile, Jordan continued to move through the region’s minefields—from the disorder unleashed by Syria’s upheaval to Iraq’s crises and the export of terrorism. In confronting these challenges, Jordan demonstrated a remarkable resilience. The Covid-19 pandemic was a further test for the state and its institutions, but revealed a notable degree of administrative competence. Jordan then experienced a measure of economic recovery and embarked on a royal project of political modernisation.

Jordan experienced a measure of economic recovery and embarked on a royal project of political modernisation

The region experienced a geopolitical earthquake on 7 October 2023, when militants from Gaza attacked southern Israel, killing more than 1,200 Israelis and taking more than 200 people hostage. The war that followed led to economic pressures on Bisher al‑Khasawneh's government. The subsequent US-Israeli war against Iran in 2025 and 2026 put further strain on the Jordanian government of Jafar Hassan.

Framework for change

Jordanians wonder how many crises they must endure before its economy can recover. Public finances remain in a poor state, likewise social conditions, yet Jordan's record of navigating crises reflects a high level of national responsiveness that can also be applied to economic development, tackling unemployment and improving education, so that 'the Jordan that is possible' becomes a reality.

This Jordan is one that uses its international reputation and the standing of the Hashemite monarchs, who remain deeply rooted in the popular conscience. It is a Jordan whose soft power is worthy of strategic investment, with its education having long produced Jordanians who excel in services, medical sciences, and engineering (Jordan has one of the highest ratios of engineers to population in the world, and its medics are admired across the region). It also has a solid banking system, and, above all, a cohesive social fabric.

Jordan offers a model of managing scarcity, but its new task is to manage increased openness and modernisation amid crises that exceed its material capacities, having never relied on progressive revolutionary promises to secure political legitimacy. Although it is a challenge, the country possesses what the historian and philosopher Michel Foucault might call a revolution of knowledge—a foundation for future political development and a credible starting point for serious reform.

In this context, Jordan needs to strengthen its democratic path by entrenching democratic culture, devising new methods for selecting governments, empowering political parties, combating corruption, and reinforcing the authority of law and the principles of citizenship. It must also protect education through reform and development, review university plans, and build capacities better suited to the new age of knowledge.

'The Jordan that is possible' can withstand storms, not because it waits for regional problems to be resolved or for neighbouring states such as Iraq and Syria to recover, but because Jordanians have crafted their own framework for safe passage through the frequent fires of the Middle East. It did so by using the abilities of its people.

Those abilities have combined with a monarchy that knows it needs to confront challenges, the professionalism of Jordan's trusted security services, and the state's commitment to investing in the individual and building a national culture rooted in a solid social base and a rich inheritance of noble and authentic values. In total, it bodes well.

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