Despite challenges, the future is bright for Syria

Compromise and dialogue

Today, there is a new opportunity based on national compromises, integration within the state, and constructive dialogue among all components, far removed from isolationist or separatist tendencies. Past reliance on external forces (whether it be Israel, the United States, Russia, or Iran) has given way to a comprehensive national pact that turns the page and builds a modern state that reflects the aspirations of all Syrians, not just some.

Since leading the charge to kick al-Assad and his regime out of power, al-Sharaa has reshaped Syria's regional and international standing. This has opened unprecedented horizons for dialogue and cooperation, with November's visit to Washington marking the pinnacle of this movement.

The Americans reaffirmed their commitment to the unity of Syrian territory and the legitimacy of the new government, seeing Damascus as a strategic partner in the region, especially in the fight against jihadist terrorism and Iranian influence. Many Arab and Muslim states, including Saudi Arabia and Türkiye, have also offered their support to help build a stronger, unified Syria. The alternative is a descent into fragmentation and separatism, giving power to warlords, smugglers, and criminal enterprises.

The United States is supportive of the ongoing dialogue between Damascus and Tel Aviv to establish a security settlement between Syria and Israel based on the latter's withdrawal from the territories it occupied after 8 December. Al-Sharaa has been clear that his government wants good relations with all its neighbours, but this cannot happen while Israeli forces occupy chunks of Syria's south.

These talks are at a delicate stage, with hardliners in Israel arguing against any concessions or withdrawal. There is also a renewed focus on the Druze communities in Sweida, in particular the forces loyal to al-Hijra, who was the one who called for Israel's "protection" in July, which prompted its deadly airstrikes not just in the south but in Damascus, too.

The onus is now on sub-national identities (whether religious or ethnic), increasingly being integrated into a broader national state structure, represented by the government in Damascus. This emphasises that Sweida is an integral part of the Syrian fabric and that all its people deserve to rebuild a positive, solid relationship with the central government, which focuses on inclusivity, not exclusivity.

Kurdish north-east

Al-Sharaa's task is nothing short of constructing a historical compromise that reintegrates all components into a unified national framework based on equal citizenship, puts the national above the local, and builds trust after years of fear, suspicion, and societal fracture.

Following al-Sharaa's visit to Washington, attention once again turned to the SDF in Syria's north-east, whose armed forces have been trained and equipped by the United States for a decade, as they worked together to defeat Islamic State (IS). The SDF has been self-financing because the territory it controls contains most of Syria's oil wells.

Today, the SDF faces a new political and security reality. After the Syrian state officially joined the international coalition against IS, it became the sole legitimate partner in combating terrorism and achieving stability in the region. This aligns with America's recognition of the primacy of the state.

The question now is about integrating the SDF into the newly formed national institutions, including the armed forces. Talks between the SDF, the White House, and Damascus has centred on compromises that still preserve the unity of Syria while guaranteeing the rights of all Syrian components and their fair representation within state institutions.

Al-Sharaa thought he had an agreement on SDF integration after a meeting in March, but revised positioning and additional demands led to fears that the SDF in fact had other ideas. Washington's endorsement of the proposal has therefore been important. This was accompanied by a clear roadmap, with the March agreement outlining operational paths for restructuring military, security, and administrative units in the north-east.

On the same page

With al-Sharaa and Trump increasingly on the same page, the prospect of continued American 'protection' for the SDF's autonomy has faded, which has shifted the balance of power between Damascus and the north-east, boosting hopes of national integration. Türkiye is increasingly keen to see that armed Kurdish forces integrate into the broader Syrian army under the Ministry of Defence, but the door remains open for constructive dialogue.

In 2026, for the first time since 1979, Syria could find itself free of international sanctions. This would mark a turning point on the way to restoring the economy, given that sanctions have been among its biggest obstacles. In anticipation, several big American companies are returning to the Syrian market, particularly in energy, because Syria's oil infrastructure is badly in need of investment and renewal.

Syrian diplomacy should have an economic impact, with improved relations with the likes of Russia, China, the European Union, Türkiye, and the Arab states leading to multilateral partnerships. Political stability is also a crucial ingredient if Damascus is to find the help it needs for reconstruction, infrastructure investment, and improving essential services for the population.

As the country approaches the one-year anniversary of Bashar al-Assad's one-way ticket to Russia, the government that replaced him has skilfully maintained balanced relations with Washington, Moscow, Brussels, and Beijing, while rebuilding trust in Ankara and the Arab world. Even the thorniest of issues—that of armed factions clinging to their autonomy—is being managed and progressed.

Syria is rising from the ashes. It is rebuilding internally, seeking to overcome past enmity by being open and inclusive while also consolidating national unity as a key priority. The task is huge, but the early signs are good.