The plundering of Syria’s cultural heritage - Part 1

To expand their efforts, some diggers began using advanced equipment to detect precious metals—tools that often inflicted further damage on the sites being targeted. Metal detectors, for example, are now sold openly on the streets of Damascus, reports al-Mohammed. The director general of Syria's Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums, Mohammad Nazir Awad, described the use of such devices as "a dangerous development that will have devastating effects on archaeological sites and lead to the loss of significant chapters in Syrian history."

Following the regime's collapse on 8 December 2024, excavations continued "due to the withdrawal of regime forces from several cities," says al-Shouhan. The growing global demand for Syrian antiquities "encouraged international smuggling networks and prompted looters to use ground-penetrating radar (GPR) devices," explains the former director of the Deir ez-Zor Museum. "Drones may also have been used to monitor sites during excavation or to identify prime locations for digging."

Security forces

Was Syria's antiquities sector subjected to organised theft before the outbreak of the revolution? And if so, was it facilitated by networks linked to official bodies within the former regime? Certainly, "several powerful figures in the former regime were involved in antiquities excavations before the liberation," notes Awad. "This provoked a public backlash, as these untouchable elites faced no legal consequences for their actions. Consequently, some locals took up arbitrary excavation themselves."

Who were these figures? "I know that there were high-ranking army or police officers who contributed to antiquities smuggling, but I do not know their names," replies al-Shouhan. Nevertheless, Awad notes that "authentic artefacts were on display in the homes of these powerful individuals, and they operated with total impunity."

Muaz confirms that Syrian army and security officers exploited their positions to engage in archaeological excavation. This is corroborated by Kanjo, who says the thefts were restricted to regime-affiliated security agencies and individuals appointed by them. In some cases, they even obtained official permits to dig at specific archaeological sites.

Regime ties

As for documented evidence of covert excavations by regime insiders, Kanjo states: "We have information confirming secret digs conducted, for instance, on behalf of Rifaat al-Assad, the brother of the Syrian president, in the Khanasser area of Aleppo governorate. A guard at the archaeological site recounted how bulldozers were used during the excavations, resulting in the destruction of numerous historical structures." Kanjo adds: "While working at the Aleppo Museum, we were often summoned to security agencies to assess 'confiscated' artefacts as experts."

"Security officers were among the most dangerous individuals to deal with in the antiquities sector," adds al-Mohammed. "They were ready to accuse archaeologists themselves of theft whenever valuable items were uncovered… In the end, the confiscated finds never made it to the museum. We were shown only the less significant pieces, while artefacts of real historical value remained in their possession. Ultimately, the security services retained full control over Syria's antiquities trade, naturally, to the benefit of the Assad family."

Following the regime's collapse, Syria's archaeological sites have suffered another devastating assault. Al-Mohammed describes this as "the third wave"—a full-scale plundering of the country's heritage, reminiscent of the Ottoman era, when the antiquities sector was virtually unprotected.

Grave robbers' unit

Several researchers assert that influential figures within the former regime looted artefacts from museums and official archaeological sites prior to the outbreak of the Syrian revolution in 2011. Al-Mohammed explains that, under the former regime, Maher al-Assad headed what was known as the "grave robbers' unit." Rifaat al-Assad had previously operated a dedicated antiquities office within the Defence Companies, a network that Maher eventually inherited in its entirety.

Al-Mohammed adds that the operation evolved through "connections with Hezbollah and other regional actors, who helped promote stolen antiquities and forge their documentation." He asserts: "They were the original thieves of Syria's antiquities. The security services were the thieves themselves, as were the army networks (the former army), all part of a central network run by Maher al-Assad through members of the Fourth Division." Al-Mohammed confirms that mosaic panels, for example, were looted from the site of Shash Hamdan in rural Aleppo.

"I don't believe ordinary individuals are responsible; these acts are protected by powerful figures within the former regime," states al-Mohammed. Muaz recounts an incident in which the chief of police in rural Damascus once requested that he send archaeological experts to a private residence to investigate a supposed 'treasure'—part of a wider trend in which individuals sought quick wealth by hunting for buried artefacts.

During the war, a gold-plated statue from the Aramaean period was reportedly stolen from the vaults of the Hama Museum, according to Kanjo. Another high-value artefact— a small gold-plated statue of the god Baal—was also looted from the same museum. Kanjo adds that some of the most significant thefts involved large mosaic pieces, which were smuggled into Lebanon and later transported to Canada and the US.

Institutionalised affair

Security and police officers have also been accused of retaining seized artefacts, whether confiscated or handed over by citizens in good faith. Al-Mohammed cites an incident at Shash Hamdan in Manbij, where "a local surrendered 158 items to a police station. When we returned to retrieve the collection, six pieces had disappeared. They only gave us 152," he recounts.

Before the war, 14 pieces were stolen from the Deir ez-Zor Museum in 2009, states al-Mohammed, with the theft discovered in 2010. "Thirteen artefacts were stolen from the Deir ez-Zor Museum in 2010," adds al-Shouhan. The museum's guards were fined the value of the missing items, although the artefacts have never been recovered. Among the most notable of these was a sickle-shaped bronze sword with an ivory-inlaid hilt, discovered at Tell al-Ashara (Terqa), dating back to Syria's early historical period between 1600 and 1500 BCE.

Walid al-Asaad, former director of antiquities in Palmyra, confirms that "the looting of treasures and antiquities was widespread across Syrian territory, carried out by smuggling mafias tied to networks that reached the highest levels of power, dating back to Hafez al-Assad's rule and continuing under Bashar al-Assad." According to al-Asaad, the trade in stolen antiquities became a lucrative revenue stream for the former regime's war machine. "These activities surged dramatically as the regime and its militias sought sources of funding and incentives during the war they waged against the people."

Social media

War and restrictions on movement have meant smugglers have increasingly turned to social media, particularly Facebook, to trade in Syrian antiquities. It is there that large numbers of antiquities traffickers gather to find buyers and coordinate with smuggling networks and individuals. Amid the ongoing war and its political, economic, and cultural repercussions, al-Shouhan notes that "membership in groups promoting antiquities has reached two million people, with about one-third of members located in conflict zones such as Syria, Libya, and Yemen. Most of these group members use encrypted language to evade detection by local authorities."

Al-Shouhan explains that transactions are not finalised publicly on these platforms but are instead "negotiated through private messages or direct phone contact." Al-Mohammed elaborates: "The owner of the artefact will post it on social media, mark it with their name, and initiate an auction. Bidding begins, and a final price is eventually agreed." He adds: "It is often impossible to verify where the item was excavated, but it is undoubtedly Syrian; thus, the piece is lost." Al-Khabour confirms the critical role of social media in the marketing of Syrian antiquities: "These platforms facilitate the exchange of information, images, and videos of stolen artefacts."

Al-Mohammed believes external networks are composed of cross-border groups with international contacts. "They meet inside Syria and sometimes use primitive methods to locate artefacts, like in North Sweida, north of Aleppo, and Jarabulus." He further alleges that "some foreign archaeological missions were complicit in the theft of antiquities." Al-Khabour notes that "the smuggling mafia likely relied on the knowledge of unscrupulous locals to identify sites vulnerable to targeting and looting."

The global web

Awad argues that the antiquities trade is not merely a matter of individual criminality. "There are international entities behind the trade and its distribution networks; entities intent on erasing Syria's cultural heritage," he explained. According to al-Khabour, the countries most implicated in purchasing or facilitating the trafficking of Syrian antiquities include "the United Kingdom, Japan, and the United States." Over the past 15 years, new influential families, particularly those aligned with armed factions, have emerged as key players or facilitators in the excavation, looting, and trafficking of Syrian antiquities.

Are professional archaeologists involved in identifying high-value sites? Have any experts from Arab or foreign countries assisted in illegal excavations? "There are no actual archaeologists involved, only antiquities dealers who are familiar with Syria's major sites and request specific pieces," believes Kanjo. He confirms that traders from Lebanon and Türkiye are particularly active.

Al-Mohammed offers a contrasting perspective. He refers to specialised social media groups made up of individuals described as experts in Syrian antiquities. "These groups include traders and collectors from around the world who assist one another by appraising artefacts, estimating prices, or connecting with potential buyers," he says. Are smuggling networks recruiting professionals to identify lucrative archaeological targets? "Certainly," replies al-Shouhan. "These networks enlisted experts, archaeologists, geologists, land surveyors, and cartographers, many of whom were co-opted by military factions… They even relied on former antiquities thieves, who had become trusted 'consultants' for these factions." He notes that "some individuals collaborated simply to earn money through providing site information."

Al-Khabour, however, insists that "many Syrian archaeologists remained committed to safeguarding the nation's heritage." Nonetheless, he acknowledges that smuggling networks did exploit "the knowledge of unscrupulous locals to identify sites vulnerable to targeting and looting."

Transit countries

Antiquities smugglers in Syria have depended on a complex network of routes through neighbouring countries, aptly described as "transit states," to funnel looted artefacts out of the country. These routes encompass both covert and overt pathways used to move Syria's cultural heritage abroad.

According to al-Mohammed, Türkiye serves as "a major transit hub due to its geographic location. It hosts global antiquities smuggling networks operating between Europe and Asia, and the trade is particularly active. Any antiquity leaving Syria passes through Türkiye." Turkish museums now have dedicated sections for Syrian artefacts seized during the war, with an estimated 16,000 to 20,000 items.

"There are powerful mafia groups in Türkiye that specialise in smuggling Syrian antiquities to international markets," explains al-Mohammed. He also highlights the involvement of "Iranian networks active in global smuggling operations, often coordinating with Iranian militias inside Syria." Lebanese groups also play a notable role in the smuggling process, he adds.

As for the costs involved in transportation and the forging of documents, al-Mohammed explains: "It costs about $1,500 to smuggle an artefact from Syria to the UK, plus another $1,500 to forge the documents. These falsified papers usually claim the item dates back to 1970, enabling traffickers to bypass repatriation claims by the Syrian government." He adds that, in Türkiye, such networks also forge documentation "using Syrian stamps specifically produced for this purpose."

Smuggling routes

Due to the constant monitoring of Syria's borders, smugglers have adopted various concealment tactics. Al-Shouhan describes several key smuggling routes, noting one particularly sensitive and rarely discussed pathway: "There is a route to Israel, possibly via Jordan," he says. "We have documented numerous cases where small gold artefacts were hidden in jars of jam, honey, or oil. Smaller items were smuggled in bags of coal, onions, tissue boxes, toothpaste tubes, or cleaning products."

It is also worth noting the occurrence of reverse smuggling—artefacts being brought into Syria—typically under the protection of individuals with the influence to bypass transport checks and inspections. Al-Shouhan confirms such incidents, "including artefacts smuggled from Iraq into Syrian villages near the border, such as Al-Bukamal, and through crossings from Lebanon into Syria, especially via the Arida region near Homs."

Despite the multitude of secondary smuggling paths employed by traffickers, there is a broad consensus that the most active region "begins in eastern Idlib, stretches to southern and eastern Aleppo, then descends toward Raqqa and southeast along the Euphrates River, continuing up to the M4 motorway and reaching Qamishli, on Syria's northern border with Türkiye," explains al-Shouhan. Border towns and villages along the Syrian-Turkish frontier play a pivotal role in these smuggling operations.

There are numerous routes that smugglers regard as "safe" or "secured," with protection reportedly ensured by local civilian monitors or through arrangements with military checkpoints, which either receive a share of the smuggling profits or charge fixed fees in return for facilitating the passage of looted artefacts.

Türkiye and Lebanon

Al-Shouhan identifies several other major smuggling routes from Syria to neighbouring countries. One prominent route originates in Atmeh and Sarmada in northern Idlib, passes through Reyhanlı in Türkiye, and continues to Antakya and then Adana. Another runs through northern Aleppo and the areas surrounding Manbij and Azaz—via Bab al-Salam and Kilis—before reaching Gaziantep.

From Deir ez-Zor, a key route proceeds through Raqqa to Tel Abyad and then on to Urfa. Another pathway moves from Deir ez-Zor through al-Shaddadi to Hasakah, then to Ras al-Ayn on the Turkish border, and continues northward to Urfa. A separate route extends toward al-Malikiyah, near the Turkish frontier, and enters Diyarbakir.

According to al-Shouhan, additional smuggling routes include those stretching from Idlib to Sarmada, then on to Antakya and further into Gaziantep or Mersin and other cities in southwestern Türkiye. Smugglers may at times use main roads, facilitated by arrangements with militia leaders. At other times, they rely on more hazardous and discreet pathways—side tracks winding through bushes, orchards, and rugged terrain.

Al-Shouhan offers a detailed account of one such corridor, known as the Deir ez-Zor or 'Jazira' route. "It begins at Jazrat Milaj, passes the brick factory and al-Mashlab, then continues through al-Abbara, Khunayzir, and the areas of Abu Sharab, al-Kalta, and al-Ghazali," he explains. "From there, it proceeds to the Tal Tamer–Hasakah–Raqqa junction, then on to al-Bayda and al-Sharakrak, before reaching Ain Arous, Tel Abyad, Akçakale, and finally crossing into Türkiye."

Long and winding road

To evade detection, smugglers often take deliberately long and obscure routes. As the director of the Deir ez-Zor Museum observes, one such route begins on the western bank of Deir ez-Zor, along the al-Shamiya road. From there, it heads southeast through Al-Mayadin and the town of al-Salihiyah, then veers into the Syrian desert via Wadi Sawab and Camp Sawab, skirting north of the Border Guard Forces police station and running parallel to the al-Walid crossing near the Iraqi border. The path then turns southwest through Sabaa Biyar and Abu al-Shamat, before reaching the stone quarry region near al-Dumayr. It continues through Najha and Qatana, ultimately reaching the Lebanese border and crossing into Rashaya.

Through these intricate and often perilous routes, looted Syrian antiquities ultimately find their way to international markets, including some Arab states, Israel, and countries within the European Union, as well as the UK, the US, and Japan, whose markets have seen the highest volume of trade in Syrian artefacts.

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Part 2 of the investigation will be published shortly