Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan: from partnership to proscription

Once welcome in Amman, the increasingly problematic Brotherhood has now been banned after 16 people accused of planning acts of sabotage using missiles and drones were arrested this month

Supporters of Jordan's Muslim Brotherhood take part in a protest in the village of Sweimeh, near the Jordanian border with the occupied West Bank, on May 21, 2021, to express their solidarity with Palestinians.
Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP
Supporters of Jordan's Muslim Brotherhood take part in a protest in the village of Sweimeh, near the Jordanian border with the occupied West Bank, on May 21, 2021, to express their solidarity with Palestinians.

Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan: from partnership to proscription

Jordan has finally issued a ban on the Muslim Brotherhood, Interior Minister Mazen Al-Faraya’s announcement marking a defining shift in one of the country’s most enduring and complex political relationships.

Internal developments, regional shifts, and ideological divergences have all helped shape relations between the Brotherhood and Amman since the group established itself in Jordan in 1945 as a licensed religious and charitable association.

King Hussein bin Talal saw the Brotherhood as a natural ally against Arab nationalism and leftist political movements, and in the 1970s, the Brotherhood backed the state during its confrontation with Palestinian resistance factions.

Branching out

Over time, it expanded beyond religion, into education and social services, setting up schools and banks, gaining influence in professional syndicates, and putting down roots in Jordanian society, while fostering support and building a vast economic portfolio to amass the financial resources to strengthen its autonomy and reach.

The 1989 April uprising and the return of parliamentary life heralded a new era in Jordan’s political landscape. In 1992, the Brotherhood formed its political arm—the Islamic Action Front (IAF)—with implicit state backing from King Hussein, who felt that the integration of Islamist voices into Jordan’s politics was a strategic balancing act.

Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP
A child carries a mockup of the Dome of the Rock during a protest by the Islamic Action Front in Amman, Jordan, to mark Land Day on March 29, 2019.

The IAF did well in elections at the expense of weakened leftist and right-wing parties, but tensions with the state emerged in the wake of the 1994 Wadi Araba peace agreement between Jordan and Israel, which the Brotherhood opposed as a betrayal of Palestinian rights.

Increasingly, its stance on foreign and domestic policy differed from Amman’s, forcing a reassessment of relations. During the Arab Spring in 2011, these tensions were further exacerbated, not least because the Brotherhood actively participated in protests. The group’s growing visibility in the streets eroded trust with the authorities.

Source of irritation

As with so much of the Middle East, the landscape changed after the Hamas-led attack on Israel on 7 October 2023. This let the Brotherhood in Jordan reposition itself. Public displays of support for Hamas were seen by Amman as attempts to leverage regional developments for domestic political gain.

As the Brotherhood's rhetoric became increasingly confrontational, tensions escalated, culminating in clashes with security forces and intensifying public discourse, but in the 2023 parliamentary elections, the IAF secured several seats, reflecting the state's continued willingness to integrate Islamist actors into formal politics as an alternative to street activism.

Despite still being offered a legitimate political platform, however, the Brotherhood opted to maintain its mobilisation strategy, relying heavily on mass protests and regional causes (such as the war in Gaza) to exert pressure. This reanimated tensions with the state and cast doubt on the group's commitment to institutional political engagement.

King Hussein bin Talal saw the Brotherhood as a natural ally against Arab nationalism and leftist political movements

Terror plot foiled

Earlier this month, the stakes were raised significantly after Jordanian security said it had foiled a major terrorist plot described as the most dangerous in years, allegedly led by a cell ideologically and organisationally affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood.

Investigations revealed that the 16-member cell had been planning coordinated attacks on security installations within Jordan using short-range missiles, drones, and high-grade explosives stored in secret warehouses in Amman and Zarqa.

Several cell members are alleged to have been trained abroad, with direct links suggested between them and the Brotherhood's Shura Council, reinforcing Amman's belief that the group's threat now went well beyond political activity.

A day before the ban was announced, Hamas issued a statement from Gaza calling on Jordan to release the suspects and refer them to the State Security Court, which the Jordanian political establishment took as further proof of a direct connection between the Brotherhood and Hamas.

Although the IAF sought to distance itself from the plot by suspending the membership of several suspects, the state regarded it as evidence of a perilous duality between the group's public political rhetoric and its covert organisational operations. The ban was issued just one week after the security revelations, to safeguard national security.

The ban has its roots in a 2020 ruling by the Court of Cassation that deemed the group legally unlicensed. While the IAF remains a registered political party, the ban signals the state's commitment to regulating party life.

Jordan's prime minister recently warned against "political opportunism", in stinging criticism aimed squarely at the Brotherhood

The IAF is seen as the political extension of the now-banned Brotherhood, so if its licence is revoked, the dissolution of Parliament could be an option, with new elections held within four months. Yet this would require the resignation of the government, which could present a problem, because constitutionally, the outgoing prime minister cannot be reappointed to lead a new government.

There appear to be few alternatives: either IAF parliamentarians are replaced with the next eligible candidates on national party lists, or the constitution is amended. The latter is seen as more sensitive and politically costly. A third scenario is to dissolve Parliament and appoint a transitional government to oversee elections.

Harsh warning

Jafar Hassan, a close confidant of King Abdullah II, has been Jordan's prime minister since September. In recent days, he warned against "political opportunism", in stinging criticism aimed squarely at the Brotherhood. "The Jordanian state's forbearance cannot be subjected to testing," he said.

Hassan noted that "performative displays" and "populist demagoguery" were unwelcome in the Kingdom, adding that "nothing transcends Jordan's interests" and that there was "no space for external loyalties or subversive elements seeking to propagate instability and impede national progress".

Dismantling the Muslim Brotherhood will not be simple, especially since Jordan grounds its actions in constitutional and legal frameworks, but it does appear that the ban is final and irreversible, aligning Jordan's position on the group more closely with those of its near neighbours.

From its encouragement under King Hussein, to its electoral ascendancy in the 1990s, to its political marginalisation following the Arab Spring, this month's ban may mark the end of a relationship that has now come full circle. For political Islam, it was yet another bad day at the office.

font change