Netanyahu’s judicial, security, and military coup in Israel

In the past year, the prime minister has cast aside his army chief, defence minister, intelligence head, and attorney-general, while subordinating the judiciary to his office and crushing dissent

A portrait of Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hangs during an anti-government protest calling for action to secure the release of Israeli hostages in Tel Aviv on March 29, 2025.
Jack GUEZ / AFP
A portrait of Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hangs during an anti-government protest calling for action to secure the release of Israeli hostages in Tel Aviv on March 29, 2025.

Netanyahu’s judicial, security, and military coup in Israel

There was a time in the not-too-distant past that Israelis told anyone who would listen that they lived in the only democracy in the Middle East. Today, far fewer dare to claim as much, in part because Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s political coup against the state envisioned by David Ben-Gurion has reached its apex.

Ben-Gurion, who chose to live in a humble farming community in the Negev, laid the foundations of Israel’s political, cultural, and social institutions. An elder statesman, he would have expected them to gently evolve over the decades, but not as radically as the transformations currently underway.

Netanyahu’s premierships have now surpassed those of Ben-Gurion in terms of longevity, and he is seeking to overtake one of Israel’s founders in terms of impact, too. Indeed, the changes he is forcing through with his religious and far-right coalition partners are the culmination of a decades-long effort to sever the state from Ben-Gurion’s founding vision.

Netanyahu has already altered the political culture, tightened media control, redirected national resources, reshaped the educational curriculum, and obstructed any path to a Palestinian state, but until recently, he had not dared penetrate the heart of the state apparatus.

Yair Sagi / AFP
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends his trial on corruption charges at the district court in Tel Aviv, on March 12, 2025.

That is changing fast, in no small part because he wants to evade prosecution for corruption and pre-empt the formation of an official commission investigating his role in what has come to be known as “the failure of 7 October 2023”. The great survivor of Israeli politics wants to survive a little longer.

By delaying upcoming elections through procedural manoeuvres and backroom deals, or by constructing political and bureaucratic mechanisms, he wants to enshrine his dominance over the right-wing and religious blocs. He may even seek to disqualify left-wing or Arab parties, precluding their participation in any future government.

Reversal of fortunes

Netanyahu has the proverbial ‘bit between his teeth.’ This is all the more surprising because, until recently, his political star appeared to be waning. Fatigued by endless political dramas and yearly elections that produced the same result, Israelis thought his career was nearing its end, possibly concluding with imprisonment.

Yet like his friend in the White House, Netanyahu has engineered a reversal of fortunes, gradually regaining political legitimacy. After dealing a decisive blow to Hezbollah, giving Iran a bloody nose, and getting some hostages out, both he and his right-wing Likud party are rising in the polls. Meanwhile, the opposition—which planned to use Gaza to unseat him—has splintered.

Netanyahu has the proverbial 'bit between his teeth.' This is all the more surprising because, until recently, his political star appeared to be waning.

Numerous factors explain all this. Netanyahu is an astute political tactician, but he has been helped by the ineptitude of the Palestinian leadership, the weakness of Arab regimes, and the unwavering backing of US President Donald Trump. 

Together, these have reinvigorated Netanyahu's ideological mission: to control what he calls "the Land of Israel", to block the establishment of a Palestinian state, and to deny Palestinians their right to self-determination. 

To do so, he has shifted Israel into becoming a more right-wing and religious society, especially in the public sphere. Given that Israel was founded by liberal-minded Western-oriented Ashkenazi elites who often voted for left-wing parties, Netanyahu and his Likud predecessors have performed a full 180-degree turn. 

Critics dismissed

In recent weeks, he replaced senior army leaders to ensure their subordination to his war directives, even when these are neither feasible nor realistic. This follows his dismissal in early November 2024 of Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, Netanyahu's most prominent rival within both the government and Likud.

Three months later, Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi was forced to resign, having expressed dissent over Netanyahu's war strategy. Halevi said the war had achieved its objectives and could no longer be justified, contradicting his boss.

AFP
Israeli Army Chief Herzi Halevi (2L) and Shin Bet director Ronen Bar (2R) at the Hostages and Missing Persons situation room during the return of the four hostages from Gaza on January 25, 2025.

Although Netanyahu says he supports an official commission to investigate the events leading up to 7 October 2023, he has also sought to subtly shift the blame for that day's failings, while in parallel appointing loyalists to senior security and military positions. Gen. Eyal Zamir, the new army chief, is a close Netanyahu ally. 

In post since March 2025, Zamir has swiftly enacted sweeping changes across the military's leadership, relaunched military operations in Gaza, and declared the army's readiness for permanent occupation—all in line with Netanyahu's agenda and personal objective of prolonging the conflict to forestall the courts and the commission.

Netanyahu's second major move was to dismiss Ronen Bar, head of Israel's powerful domestic intelligence service, the Shin Bet. The agency has jurisdiction not just in Israel but in Gaza, the West Bank, and the near abroad, including southern Lebanon and the Golan Heights.

Bar's removal, which Netanyahu's own attorney-general said was unconstitutional, came after Shin Bet's own investigation into the intelligence failures surrounding the 7 October attack pointed the finger, at least in part, towards Netanyahu. In other words, Bar and Netanyahu blamed each other.

Although Bar publicly accepted responsibility for Shin Bet's shortcomings, he also voiced repeated dissatisfaction with Netanyahu's handling of the war and the ceasefire negotiations, accusing the prime minister of missing key opportunities to recover hostages alive. Bar implied that this was for the sake of Netanyahu's political survival.

Netanyahu has sought to subtly shift the blame for the failings of 7 October 2023, while appointing loyalists to senior security and military positions

Furthermore, the Shin Bet investigation recommended the formation of an official commission of inquiry, one that would scrutinise Netanyahu's role in the failures and investigate some of the wilder theories, including Netanyahu's alleged collaboration with Qatar to strengthen Hamas and exacerbate internal Palestinian divisions.

Having already removed Bar from Israel's negotiating team in Doha, Netanyahu dismissed him in a move swiftly endorsed by his cabinet. This triggered mass protests, with lawyers saying the prime minister lacked the authority to dismiss the head of Shin Bet—a position designed to operate independently of political influence.

Civil society organisations, legal advocacy groups, and prominent public figures quickly appealed to Israel's Supreme Court, which froze the dismissal order but allowed Netanyahu to begin interviewing possible successors. Meanwhile, for Israelis concerned about their eroding democracy, this was yet another step in Netanyahu's consolidation of unchecked power.

In the crosshairs

Netanyahu was far from finished. His Attorney-General, Gali Baharav-Miara, had been among those saying he could not dismiss Bar, so Netanyahu dismissed her too. Or, rather, he had his justice minister, Yariv Levin, do so. Again, the cabinet swiftly and dutifully passed a vote of no confidence in her, effectively removing her from office.

This provoked even larger and more determined protests, alongside legal appeals to the Supreme Court. Yet the court itself is in Netanyahu's crosshairs. He wants more power to appoint Israel's most senior judges, as part of a wider effort to control the judiciary. 

Jack GUEZ / AFP
A demonstrator holds a placard bearing the image of Israel's Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara during a protest against moves by the Israeli government to dismiss her and Ronen Bar in Tel Aviv, on March 27, 2025.

Any democracy needs its checks and balances. An independent judiciary is perhaps the most crucial check or balance. For years, Israel's most radical and ideological politicians have sought to introduce discriminatory laws, and for years, Israel's most senior judges have stopped them. Netanyahu has evidently got fed up with them doing so.  

With an independent-minded attorney-general now removed, and with the judicial selection mechanisms coming under the control of the executive, Netanyahu has effectively subordinated the judiciary to the prime minister's office.

Coupled with Netanyahu's grip over the police—under the direction of the ultranationalist and openly racist Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir—the transformation of Israel's political order is complete, explaining why some analysts have described his recent actions as a "coup".

In reshaping Israel's governance structures, he has overturned the institutional legacy of Ben-Gurion and the post-1948 Israeli state. His actions represent a radical rupture and the institutionalisation of apartheid. Some predict that the next stage will be systemic efforts to expel those Palestinians who are still on their land. 

Even as Netanyahu's pickaxe grows blunt from over-use, still he targets the democratic remnants of "the only democracy in the Middle East," a phrase now rarer than dissent.

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