I attended Syria's National Dialogue. These are my impressions.

The conference marked a significant step in Syria's long and arduous journey toward rebuilding a devastated country

Syria's interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa addresses representatives and dignitaries of Syrian communities during the National Dialogue Conference called for by the country's new authorities in Damascus on February 25, 2025.
AFP
Syria's interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa addresses representatives and dignitaries of Syrian communities during the National Dialogue Conference called for by the country's new authorities in Damascus on February 25, 2025.

I attended Syria's National Dialogue. These are my impressions.

When the world-renowned architect Kenzo Tange designed the Syrian Presidential Palace in 1979—often referred to as the People's Palace—he envisioned a sprawling structure spanning 31,500 square meters on the southern slopes of Mount Qassioun, overlooking the city of Damascus.

Located in a section known to locals as Jabal Antar, the palace features an exterior clad in Carrera marble and boasts magnificent brass gates crafted by the celebrated Syrian Jewish metalworker Maurice Nseiri. The entire plateau of the mountain was incorporated into the palace grounds, offering a presidential office with a perpendicular view of the Umayyad Mosque's iconic minaret.

Due to financial constraints, however, construction was delayed for nearly a decade. It was eventually funded by Saudi Arabia and carried out by Rafic Hariri's Riyadh-based construction firm, Saudi Oger.

The palace served as the seat of power for Hafez al-Assad, who ruled Syria from there until he died in 2000, and later for his son Bashar al-Assad, until the regime's collapse in December 2024. On 25 February 2025, it became the venue for Syria's first post-Assad National Dialogue Conference, inaugurated by the country's new president, Ahmad al-Sharaa.

AFP
People's Palace, the official residence of the Syrian presidency, in Mezzeh, north of Damascus, on January 3, 2025.

700-strong

Approximately 700 participants attended the conference, representing a diverse cross-section of Syrian society, including various religions, ethnicities, and political affiliations. While some travelled from abroad, most were Syrians from within the country.

Women played a prominent role, with figures like Farah al-Atassi, a leading politician, and Muna Wassif, a veteran actress, taking centre stage. The organising committee itself included two notable women: Hind Kabawat, a Damascene Christian and lecturer at George Mason University, and Huda al-Atassi, a Sunni Muslim from a prominent political family that had been marginalised by the Ba'ath regime since 1963.

The Atassi family has a storied history in Syrian politics, with figures like Hashim al-Atassi, a leader of the anti-French resistance and a three-time president in the mid-20th century.

In a historical parallel, Hashim al-Atassi presided over the first Syrian National Congress in 1920, while his descendant, Houda Atassi, announced the outcome of the 2025 conference. The rest of the organising committee, led by Maher Alloush, was carefully selected by President al-Sharaa.

In a historical parallel, Hashim al-Atassi presided over the first Syrian National Congress in 1920, while his descendant, Houda Atassi, announced the outcome of 2025's dialogue

Notable absentees

Critics noted the absence of Kurdish political parties, but the conference was intentionally designed to exclude all political factions—whether Kurdish, revolutionary, or remnants of the former regime. Notably absent were groups like the Syrian National Coalition, the Muslim Brotherhood, and the Syrian Communist Party, all of which had been outlawed in January 2025.

The National Dialogue would produce a resolution, however, calling for the immediate restoration of political life, aiming to revive the pluralistic political culture that existed before the Ba'ath Party's era starting in 1963. This, the resolution emphasised, should occur without delay rather than waiting for the conclusion of a transitional period expected to last three to four years.

Six topics

The conference agenda was divided into six key topics: transitional justice, constitutionalism, public sector reform, personal and political liberties, civil society, and economic reform. Due to the short notice of invitations—issued just 24 to 48 hours before the event—many members of the Syrian diaspora were unable to attend. To address this, the organising committee created an online platform that allowed over 10,000 participants to share their views.

Each session was limited to 40 participants to ensure focused discussions, with debates lasting one hour and 40 minutes per topic. This structure stood in stark contrast to the 2011 national dialogue conference organised by Bashar al-Assad, where over 200 delegates sat around a large round table, raising their hands to address topics in a chaotic and largely ineffective manner.

That event had been widely criticised, with opposition figures either excluded or silenced. For instance, the philosopher Tayeb Tizini's speech criticising the regime's violent crackdown on protesters was omitted from state media coverage. In 2025, however, the conference aimed for inclusivity, inviting even those who had been ambivalent toward the Syrian revolution.

Some highlights

A highlight of the event was President al-Sharas's opening speech. Accompanied by Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani, al-Sharaa entered the main hall and took his seat alongside clerics from various Christian denominations. The attendees greeted him with a standing ovation, though the applause was notably restrained—a marked departure from the effusive praise typically lavished on Bashar al-Assad.

When al-Sharaa modestly gestured for the audience to sit, they remained standing. As his speech concluded, a few individuals attempted to chant his praises in the style of Bashar, but they were swiftly rebuked by others, with one attendee shouting, "Isn't it time we stop such behaviour?"

One of the most striking aspects of the conference was the ease of access to the Presidential Palace. Unlike under the Assad regime, there were no intrusive security checks or intimidation tactics. While guests were asked to refrain from carrying guns or cell phones, the atmosphere was relaxed and welcoming.

During breaks, Syrians from all walks of life reconnected after years of separation caused by war and repression. Friends who had not seen each other since 2011 embraced and shared stories of survival and resilience.

A particular presence was that of youth from Idlib, who had lived under al-Sharaa's governance and were eager to share their experiences of enduring war and al-Assad's barrel bombs. To the surprise of many from regime-held areas, these young people hailed not only from Idlib but also from Aleppo, Homs, and even Damascus, representing a wide range of socio-economic backgrounds.

For the first time since the uprising began in 2011, many attendees felt safe enough to introduce themselves by their real names rather than the pseudonyms they had used for over a decade.

Final communique

The conference concluded with a series of non-binding resolutions read out by Houda Atassi. These included the establishment of a constitutional committee to draft a new charter for Syria and the appointment of an interim parliament with legislative authority.

She also condemned recent Israeli aggressions against Syria, particularly Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's comments regarding the protection of Syria's Druze minority. This condemnation reflected the broader outrage at Israel's repeated strikes on Syria since al-Assad's fall, which had debunked the regime's long-standing myth that it was the sole defender against Israeli aggression and that the opposition were "agents" of Zionism.

Parallels drawn

Some participants drew parallels between the 2025 conference and the 1920 Syrian National Congress, which had been held in the aftermath of World War I and the collapse of Ottoman rule. That congress, elected in 1919, remained in session for six months and produced historic decisions, including the rejection of the French Mandate for Syria and the Balfour Declaration for Palestine, as well as the crowning of Emir Faisal as king of Syria.

While the 1920 congress represented all of Greater Syria—including Jerusalem, Gaza, Tripoli, and Beirut—the 2025 conference was more limited in scope, with participants invited rather than elected.

Despite these differences, both conferences emerged from the ashes of prolonged conflict and reflected a shared desire among Syrians to rebuild their nation. Both also faced internal divisions, with one faction representing revolutionary ideals—whether from the 1916 revolt against the Ottomans or the 2011 uprising against al-Assad—and the other representing those who had opposed these movements or, at a bare minimum, been lukewarm towards them. In both cases, however, there was a collective commitment to move forward, holding accountable only those directly responsible for bloodshed.

Tragically, both conferences also faced external assaults. In 1920, the French invaded Syria just months after the congress, while in 2025, the Israeli army launched a major ground operation in southern Syria mere hours after the conference concluded, in what many interpreted as an attempt to undermine its success.

The 2025 National Dialogue Conference marked a significant step in Syria's long and arduous journey toward rebuilding a devastated country, and although challenges remain, it symbolised a renewed hope for a future defined by inclusivity, justice, and peace—a stark contrast to the decades of authoritarian rule that preceded it.

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