Politics

Syria’s transition takes its first baby step

The National Dialogue Conference is the first step in the chosen transition model to take the country from revolution to elections and a new constitution

AFP

Syria's interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa addressing representatives and dignitaries of Syrian communities during the National Dialogue Conference called for by the country's new authorities in Damascus on February 25, 2025.

Syria’s transition takes its first baby step

Radwan Ziadeh

last update on 24 Feb 2025

Syria's national dialogue conference kicked off on Tuesday, 25 February, at the presidential palace in Damascus. It marks the start of a crucial phase for the country’s future governance after a devastating civil war.

Syria’s interim president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, addressed the nation at the conference's opening. He said he plans to establish a transitional justice committee to pursue those who have committed crimes against Syrians.

“We will work on forming a transitional justice body to restore people’s rights, ensure justice, and, God willing, bring criminals to justice," he said.

He also stressed the importance of Syria's territorial integrity, saying, “Syria is indivisible; it is a complete whole, and its strength lies in its unity, " calling for citizens to come together for the nation's greater good and they should take advantage of "the exceptional historic opportunity" in front of them.

When Bashar al-Assad’s Syrian regime fell in December 2024, thought turned to the transition, specifically the legal and constitutional framework of it. One idea was a national congress similar to the General Syrian Congress of June 1919. This had around 90 delegates; each had been previously elected to serve in the Ottoman Majlis al-Mab‘uthān, representing various regions of the Levant, including Syria and Lebanon.

Their representation was genuine and diverse: Sunnis, Alawites, Druze, Christians, Jews, rural notables, intellectuals, and influential urban figures with significant social and political standing.

The Congress was the product of a two-tiered electoral process. Replicating that model today could have triggered a squabble over issues such as who sits on the preparatory committee and how members are selected and appointed, given that an election in the current context remains impossible.

The other idea floated was a national dialogue conference, championed by the likes of Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani, which won out.

The new Syrian administration faced two options: adhere to the 2012 constitution or proceed under the principle of 'revolutionary legitimacy'

Becoming established

The new Syrian administration faced two options: adhere to the 2012 constitution (in which Vice President Faisal Mekdad would assume the role of the acting president) or proceed under the principle of 'revolutionary legitimacy'—a temporary and exceptional framework.

Understanding how institutions grounded in revolutionary legitimacy can become established is important. In countries like Sudan and Libya, the transitional council model was applied. This might be the closest approximation to the case of Syria.

A transitional governing body in Syria must uphold the essence of UN Security Council Resolution 2254. This calls for a body that guarantees the representation of all Syrian political, social, sectarian, and ethnic groups to achieve inclusivity.

It must establish an interim legislative council tasked with issuing a temporary constitutional declaration for the transitional period, enacting laws, granting confidence to the transitional government, and approving the state budget. Finally, it must form both an independent electoral commission (to oversee the election) and an independent transitional justice body (for accountability and reconciliation).

AFP — Representatives and dignitaries of Syrian communities attend the National Dialogue Conference called for by the country's new authorities in Damascus on February 25, 2025.

From rebels to rulers

Those who overthrew al-Assad held revolutionary legitimacy, so when Col. Hassan Abdul Ghany declared victory and formally authorised Ahmad al-Sharaa to establish the transitional governing body, this marked the transfer of revolutionary legitimacy from Syria's liberators to al-Sharaa, who is now tasked with initiating the political transition.

The Victory Declaration included the dissolution of Syria's parliament, army, security agencies, the Arab Baath Socialist Party, the National Progressive Front, the 2012 constitution, and all exceptional laws. Al-Sharaa was named interim president.

In transitional phases, unelected officials lead the country, so it is always preferable to shorten this period to the extent possible to establish electoral legitimacy. This is why the new administration announced the legislative body. In Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War, Steven Levitsky notes that "the inputs of the transition process determine its outputs".

UN Security Council Resolution 2254 calls for a transitional body that guarantees the representation of all Syrians to achieve inclusivity

No time for utopia

The Assad regime was one of the most closed and totalitarian models in the Arab region and possibly the world. For more than 60 years, it has been governed by sectarian institutions under an authoritarian one-party system with no independent bureaucracy, no independent rule of law, and no mechanisms for accountability.

State institutions decomposed and transformed into tools of patronage and familial rule as networks of private interests—both within and beyond the state—grew stronger. This entrenchment of power often came at the expense of national interests, which themselves became subject to the ruling family's perspective. The Assads decided what was in Syria's national interest and what was not.

Many Syrians have been imprisoned, starved, or displaced. Economically, they have suffered from sanctions and a 'brain drain'. The civil war has devastated the middle class, from where political and social transformation is typically driven. Given the situation, it is unreasonable to expect a Jeffersonian democracy to emerge in Syria.

Indeed, to avoid a prolonged state of conflict and security instability would be another victory. Against this backdrop, al-Sharaa's appointment as transitional president was among the country's more viable options.

With broad cooperation from Syrians, he can help realise the long-cherished vision of a civil, democratic state. His leadership presents an opportunity to restore Syria's rightful place as a thriving nation—one that its people deserve and take pride in.

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