US sanctions on Israeli settlers are for show, not accountability

The surge in settler violence prompted action from the Biden administration. In November 2023, they announced a ban on unnamed Israeli "extremists attacking civilians in the West Bank" from entering the United States.

Subsequently, in February, financial sanctions were imposed on four known settler figures for acts of violence and incitement against Palestinians.

Following suit, the UK announced sanctions on four Israeli nationals for attacking Palestinians in the West Bank. France also joined in, declaring a ban on 28 Israeli settlers from entering the country.

These unprecedented measures against violent Israeli settlers send a resounding message to both the Israeli government and perpetrators across the West Bank: the international community refuses to ignore such egregious acts of violence any longer.

However, targeting only a handful of settlers with sanctions won't address the root problem or alleviate the suffering of Palestinians affected by these violent acts.

Systemic Israeli policy

This violence isn't just the actions of a few "bad apples"; it's a manifestation of a systemic and entrenched Israeli government policy aimed at displacing Palestinians and expanding settlements.

It's this flawed policy itself that fosters such violence.

Following the 7 October attack, Israeli Minister of National Security Ben-Gvir explicitly instructed law enforcement officers not to enforce the law in cases of Jewish nationalist violence.

To effectively tackle this issue, sanctions should target the structures and politicians that incite or tolerate violence, particularly by settlers. Therefore, the US, UK, France, and others must direct their sanctions towards officials like Ben-Gvir.

Similarly, these Western countries must also target entities providing financial support to settlers. While identifying these businesses isn't the challenge, mustering the political will to take action against them is.

Companies should also be sanctioned

A good starting point would be for these governments to review the UN Human Rights Office's list of 112 companies complicit in violating Palestinian human rights by operating in Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank.

While Israeli companies are prevalent on this list, prominent international firms, including Airbnb, Expedia, TripAdvisor, Booking.com, and Motorola Solutions, are also implicated.

Warning these businesses of impending sanctions unless they cease their support or collaboration with settlers would not only ensure compliance but also set a precedent for others to follow.

However, for this strategy to succeed, countries must enact laws prohibiting cooperation or support for settlers, akin to the US Caesar Act, which bans supporting or engaging in business with the Syrian regime.

It's important to acknowledge that the lack of effective sanctions against Israeli settlers isn't solely due to the highly politicised nature of discussions surrounding holding Israel accountable. Similar observations can be made regarding anti-Captagon sanctions.

Despite extensive documentation of the Syrian regime's involvement in Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq in the production and trafficking of this illicit drug, the US, UK, and EU have sanctioned fewer than 40 individuals and several entities.

Furthermore, since its initial announcement nearly a year ago, they have failed to expand the list to include additional names.

In addition to their limited scope, the sanctions also fail to impact the individuals listed. None of them have businesses or bank accounts in these countries, at least under their names, nor do they have the ability to obtain a visa to travel to them.

For sanctions to wield real power, the countries imposing them must cease using them as mere fig leaves or superficial gestures designed to create the illusion of action.

Such feeble attempts are not lost on dictators, who mockingly jest about them in interviews or among their fellow perpetrators.