An Israeli assault on Rafah could send the region spiralling. A deal might save it.

An operation during Ramadan would likely reignite tensions. While neither the US nor Iran truly want a direct confrontation, they may still get one.

A Palestinian child gestures as people bury their dead who were killed during overnight Israeli strikes at a cemetery in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on February 21, 2024.
AFP
A Palestinian child gestures as people bury their dead who were killed during overnight Israeli strikes at a cemetery in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on February 21, 2024.

An Israeli assault on Rafah could send the region spiralling. A deal might save it.

Diplomats are racing to broker a ceasefire agreement in time to avoid what many see as a worst-case scenario: An Israeli offensive in the southern city of Rafah during the upcoming holiday of Ramadan.

The upcoming month-long Muslim holiday, which is due to start around 10 March, typically sees spikes in tensions between Israelis and Palestinians. But this year, the threat is much broader and could have an impact across the region.

Israel has warned that if a deal that would see the release of Israeli hostages still held in Gaza is not brokered by then, it will launch an offensive against Rafah.

Many in Israel held the view that, regardless of the talks, Israeli troops would have to eventually operate in a city where hundreds of thousands of Palestinians have taken refuge.

The logic is simple: Rafah is the last main urban area where Hamas can hide.

A recent hostage-release operation carried out by the Israeli military, resulting in the rescue of two hostages, also served to confirm suspicions that many of the hostages are likely being held in Rafah.

If the idea is to “finish off” Hamas and rescue the hostages, then the next logical step, in the minds of many Israelis, is to go to Rafah.

But the international warnings are also dire.

Rafah is massively overcrowded. If Israel operates in the same way it did so far, the sheer concentration of civilians will compound the damage we’ve already seen elsewhere exponentially.

AFP
Onlookers gather around a car that was destroyed in an Israeli raid in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on February 20, 2024.

In pictures: UN warns Israeli attack on Rafah could lead to 'slaughter'

Breaking point?

Israelis have often dodged international pressure, but there are signs that this time, the warnings are serious. They may have come to a breaking point in the campaign that followed the 7 October Hamas terror attacks.

The US has been far more vocal about its desire not to see a Rafah offensive — both publicly and behind closed doors. European countries have released a series of coordinated statements.

Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia, have also warned against the Rafah offensive — a warning Israel cannot brush aside if it seeks to normalise ties in the future.

Though the Egyptian Foreign Minister denied it ever threatened to void its peace treaty with Israel, Cairo did express unprecedented opposition to an Israeli operation in Rafah.

An Israeli offensive in Rafah would put Cairo in an impossible position.

Egypt would have to choose between either accepting hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees, at the risk of being accused of collaborating with attempts to permanently displace Palestinians, or shutting its door and sharing the blame for the human cost of the operation.

Threats to reconsider the peace treaty with Israel may not have been made, but the risks for Egypt’s stability are real.

The US has been far more vocal about its desire not to see a Rafah offensive — both publicly and behind closed doors.

Rising tension in West Bank

An offensive in Rafah during Ramadan could also ignite further tensions in the West Bank.

Ramadan is already set to be particularly tense as far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir is pushing the Israeli government to approve drastic limitations on access to the al-Aqsa Mosque.

Every year, thousands of Palestinians flock to the holy sites during Ramadan. This year, Ben Gvir wants to limit access to those older than 60 or 70, as well as kids.

An offensive in Rafah, on top of drastic Israeli limitations, could serve as a trigger for an escalation in violence in the West Bank and Jerusalem beyond what we've seen so far.

Read more: Tensions mount as economic crisis grips West Bank

Lebanon and the greater region

In the north, along the Israel-Lebanon border, the Ramadan and upcoming Rafah offensive are also seen as a looming "deadline" for talks to produce results.

There are signs that Israel is mobilising ahead of the holiday, just as the violence that has gripped the border increasingly spills deeper inside both Israel and Lebanon.

An offensive in Rafah, on top of drastic Israeli limitations to Palestinian access to the Al-Aqsa Mosque, could trigger violent escalation in the West Bank.

Several mediators, including the US and France, have been looking at possible solutions to stop the violence through an unofficial agreement between Hezbollah and Israel to stop their attacks.

As part of an agreement, Hezbollah would have to agree to pull back from a limited area along the border, while Israel could also pull reservists from the border amidst bolstered deployments by the Lebanese army.

However, neither Hezbollah nor Israel seem close to an agreement. Hezbollah's Nasrallah has said the group would not stop firing at Israel until a ceasefire agreement is implemented in Gaza.

Israel, on the other hand, is likely unhappy with the current state of the proposed agreement, which it would then have to sell to the Israeli public and to the thousands of Israelis who have evacuated the border out of fear that Hezbollah could repeat what Hamas did on 7 October.

Mere words and the deployment of the Lebanese army — which is too weak to face Hezbollah and is itself infiltrated by the group — would not be enough to assuage those fears.

AFP
Smoke billows from the site of an Israeli airstrike on the villages of Mansouri and Majdelzoun near Lebanon's southern border on February 21, 2024.

Then, there is the regional angle of the crisis, which cannot be dissociated from the situation in Gaza. Iran has responded to the crisis by activating its proxies and mainly focusing on the US, as well as on maritime traffic in the Red Sea.

Though the Islamic Republic is no true friend of the Palestinians, whom it uses to advance its own regional interests, it also has to respond and show support for the Palestinian cause.

Iran wants to avoid being directly involved in the crisis while still capitalising on regional sympathies for Palestinians. Yet this balancing game has come at far greater cost and risks recently.

The killing of three US soldiers in Jordan shows Iran can't escalate forever and that although neither Washington nor Tehran truly want a direct confrontation, they may still get one.

The spiral was stopped as Washington responded in a significant but still measured manner, and as reports suggest, Iran itself asked its proxies in Iraq to suspend their near-daily attacks against US forces. But an Israeli offensive during Ramadan would likely reignite these tensions.

Although neither Washington nor Tehran truly want a direct confrontation, they may still get one.

Rafah assault still likely

Despite those risks, Israel is still likely to launch an operation in Rafah.

To be sure, there are signs that Israel might be using the threat of an operation to try and extract a deal that would see Israeli hostages freed.

The number of Israeli troops in Gaza is at its lowest since 7 October, which hardly matches prior expansions of Israeli operations in the Palestinian enclave.

Netanyahu and other Israeli officials have also been talking non-stop about the upcoming operation. Netanyahu himself announced that Rafah would have to be evacuated, which differs from previous steps that were taken directly by the Israeli army.

Despite these statements — and although concerns over a looming offensive had already prompted Palestinians to leave parts of Rafah — the Israeli army has yet to call for the evacuation of the southern Gazan city.

But the diplomatic efforts to bridge the gap between Hamas and Israel have led nowhere. Hamas is still conditioning any hostage-release deal to an end of the war — which in turn would mean Hamas remains in power in Gaza.

Israel deemed the group's latest proposal to be "delusional" and refused to send another delegation to Cairo after the first one travelled to Egypt to "listen".

Many suspect Netanyahu simply doesn't want to end the war to preserve himself.

While this may be true, it is also true that any agreement that effectively leads to Hamas staying in power will be unacceptable to Israelis.

There is still a gap to be bridged, and the window to bridge it is very short.

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