The continuing tragedy of separated peace and security

How can Israel achieve peace with the ideologies of Ze'ev Jabotinsky and other founding figures of the Israeli right wing?

The continuing tragedy of separated peace and security

"Arabs only understand the language of power." "What cannot be attained through violence is attainable through even greater violence." "Let the Palestinians break their heads against the iron wall". These are rallying slogans echoed by Israeli political and security institutions since pre-1948, deeply entrenched in the ideologies of Ze'ev Jabotinsky and other founding figures of the Israeli right wing.

The slogans were used frequently following Hamas's attack on October 7, re-emerging as the most authentic means to comprehend Arabs (including Palestinians) and as the sole method to compel them to recognize Israel's right to exist in the region.

Here lies the major paradox: how can peace be achieved through such an approach?

Since the commencement of Jewish European settlement campaigns in the late 19th century and the establishment of the Yishuv, the Jewish presence in Ottoman and later Mandate Palestine, which subsequently transformed into the State of Israel on May 14, 1948, the primary objective has been to ensure the security of Jews confronting persecution and discrimination, particularly in Eastern Europe. The notion of Israeli security has undergone multiple transformations throughout the history of the state of Israel.

The intricate path taken by the Yishuv, shifting from seeking protection under the Ottoman Turks' occupation of Palestine before 1917 to forging alliances with the British post their expulsion of the Turks, and subsequently rebelling against the British in the latter part of their occupation, particularly as the Zionist movement gained momentum following the Holocaust, underscore that security, in the concept of Israeli leaders, is separate from peace. Furthermore, it underscores that the conviction in attaining security through self-reliance is not a recent notion within Israeli political and military institutions.

Security, in the concept of Israeli leaders, is separate from peace. 

The heightened aggression against Gaza, the strategic utilization of international sympathy that Israel garnered post-Hamas attack, and the subsequent disregard for this sympathy and the confirmation that Israel is committed to its plan for the densely populated region "regardless of global approval," alongside a resurgence of discriminatory attitudes towards Palestinians and Arabs, are phenomena that do not answer the crucial question: How did a moderately equipped and proficient militant movement manage to surprise heavily armed Israel, equipped with advanced weaponry and technologies, and advance approximately 30 kilometres beyond the borders of the Gaza Strip?

In other words: why, after 75 years since its establishment and approximately 130 years since the arrival of the first European Jewish immigrants to this region, has Israel been unable to guarantee the security and peace of its citizens?

Some assertions imply that "terrorism" is ingrained in Palestinians and Arabs, contending that they "consistently squander opportunities" for peace. These claims suggest influences from Iran and an extremist jihadist ideology, fitting into the narrative of Israeli political discourse, particularly during election campaigns. However, these statements fall short in elucidating the persistent attachment of Palestinians to their land despite enduring the Nakba, ethnic cleansing, and the offered incentives. They fail to clarify why, even when confronted with the stark ultimatum of leaving or facing peril, Palestinians opt to remain.

Why, after 75 years since its establishment and approximately 130 years since the arrival of the first European Jewish immigrants to this region, has Israel been unable to guarantee the security and peace of its citizens?

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has underscored his commitment to avoiding a recurrence of the "mistake" of Oslo. This implies his reluctance to revisit the critical juncture, arguably the sole instance in the history of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, where Israel approached recognizing the Palestinians' right to self-determination on their land. This pivotal moment was swiftly reversed following the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.

The primary figure accountable for the most significant failure in Israel's history seeks to decide the destiny of Israelis for the foreseeable future and to limit their options to prolonged conflicts, occupation, and animosity.

Presently, Israel is not inclined to accept any political resolution, following years of utmost denial of the existence of the Palestinian cause; years that culminated in the catastrophe of October 7. The violent trajectory of Israel is currently at its peak, and there's a propensity for its expansion if it aligns with the current ruling group's interests in Israel, which seems to overlook the fact that, akin to Israelis, Palestinians have no intention to abandon their homes and depart.

Today, Israelis must question whether there exists an alternative route to peace other than the propositions put forth by Netanyahu and his extremist adherents, especially after 75 years of unsuccessful attempts.

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