October war anniversary renews debate in Israel over army protests

Unique status

Its status and place in the nation go beyond the usual role of providing security and protecting sovereignty. It runs more deeply due to the extraordinary origins of the state established in 1948 by uprooting Palestinians from their land.

Unlike most nations, Israel was founded in a relatively modern age and was specifically designed, rather than being shaped by a more evolutionary process. The state was, in effect, devised abroad and then populated by the emigration of European and Russian Jews to Palestine.

State institutions – including the military – were also set up from scratch for the new country and its new population, often at the expense of the indigenous people and amid bitter conflict. It meant the origins of Israel depended on its army, which was, in many ways, the driving force of the state and essential to its existence.

The army took on diverse roles and functions. Not only was it responsible for protecting the state from external threats, but it was used to promote Israel's image because of its reputation for being disciplined and modern. The Israeli military is also disproportionately large and equipped relative to its relatively small population.

The army also acts as a source of national unity, including people from all the diverse cultures and countries from which Israelis arrived. Military spending is vital to a significant portion of the economy.

Many of its high-ranking officers have also become political leaders, including Yitzhak Rabin, Ehud Barak, Ariel Sharon, and Benny Gantz.

The Israeli army now finds itself unable to escape the national political crisis, as Netanyahu seeks to curb the Supreme Court's powers.

The Israeli author and journalist Gideon Levi explained the impact on the military in the Haaretz newspaper:

 "Here is the story of an army that had a state. A government came along and worked to alter the balance of power in the state. The army then protested against the government... The military protest, which is essentially civilian in nature, cannot be ignored." 

"This protest is coloured in the pale khaki and blue of the pilots' uniforms. Its language is military, and most of its leaders are former military and security personnel."

"Refusal to serve in the army is its effective weapon, and its ultimate goal is to preserve the state as it once was. It has become clear that Israel has matured and weaned itself off its military childhood ailments and the veneration of generals and military service."

According to the well-known journalist Alon Ben David, writing in the Maariv newspaper: "The number of pilots who have announced that they will stop complying is approaching 300... They constitute the experienced part of the air force... Two other systems in the army have suffered severe damage: the medical system and the intelligence division."

"About one-fifth of medical personnel have announced their non-compliance, and there is no immediate alternative for them... This wave will not stop only at the reserves... it also extends to the regulars... the sparks of rebellion... also approach the Holy of Holies of Israel—the Atomic Energy Committee... a vigorous debate is taking place about their continued path and whether they want to continue serving the state as it becomes 'royalty.'"

Consensus drifts further away

Netanyahu's reforms have created a perception that the nature of the state itself is changing, fracturing the sense that its politics can build consensus within a constitutional legal framework.

The change also favours the right-wing and conservative religious groups already in power. Unease about it – and opposition to it – has become profound enough to change the perception of the military's role within the emerging state, undermining the consensus that saw it as "the people's army".

The widening gaps between political parties – along secular and religious lines – as well as the ethnic ones separating Western and Eastern Israelis – further damage the sense of unity that helped the army thrive.

Some parties within the coalition have tried to bring in a bill to classify studying religion as state service, a term usually associated with being in the army. And with some religious people already exempt from military service, there are concerns over new loopholes opening up to avoid military service.

There are also privileges on offer for settlers in the West Bank, not available to other taxpayers or those serving in the army.

Emerging grievances

Overall, this has created a grievance among a portion of the population, who turn up for military service and pay taxes, that the government is looking after constituents of the coalition who do not, at the expense of the majority in the mainstream vote, which is split between other parties.

This fits into the general sense that the secular state is in retreat and that the religious elements of Israel's identity are being prioritised over its democratic characteristics.  

As that discourages engagement with the state other than in forms of protest, there are serious implications for the country, in general, and the military, in particular. The Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) depends on voluntary permanent service and reserves, drawn up from the tradition of national service, to ensure it has enough troops ready for military duty.

Tamir Hayman, director of the National Security Studies Institute, told the Israel Hayom newspaper: "Dismantling the concept of the people's army would be critical for Israel's security... The strength of this army does not lie in blind obedience, but in the spirit of volunteering and initiative... from left to right, from the centre to the periphery, among the religious and secular, all of this makes the Israeli army the people's army."

"The danger is that the image and appearance of what we are doing to ourselves can convince our adversaries that our overall strength has diminished."

There is a contrast in how the Israeli army reacted to Netanyahu's plans – with a reflex to defend democracy – and the non-democratic nature of any military.

It also reveals how Israel's military has differing views over Palestine, where it supports colonialism and protects discriminatory policies against Palestinians while protecting the aggressive resettlement of parts of their remaining territory.

Even with the army's composition coming from the general and mainly secular public, its ideas of democracy do not extend to the Palestinians. 

Read more: Are Israeli protests really about democracy?

International risk

However profoundly felt the concept of Israeli secularism may be, the country was founded as a nation-state for Jews, and that contradiction also remains. 

And the growing sympathy for Palestinian rights in the West is causing concern among Israelis connected to those nations, as Netanyahu moves away from policies in line with the general consensus in democracies.

Some have even warned that weakening the Israeli Supreme Court and lifting legal oversight over the government could expose IDF officers and soldiers to international trials.

None of this means the Israeli army has become operationally weakened or fragmented regarding the chain of command. But there are serious consequences of what the Netanyahu government is attempting for the military and the characteristics of Israel as a nation.

Perhaps the most significant development was that the leaders of Israel's security agencies felt it necessary to pledge loyalty to the decisions of the Supreme Court and a commitment to the rule of law.

That put the Israeli government in a very delicate position. It is a matter that will be discussed once again in the coming weeks as the full court convenes.

Israel's crisis is centred on the political system, democracy, and the possibility of a separation of powers. But there is no denying it has run deep enough to reach the military.

This has revealed the extent of new fault lines running through the state, but it also exposed some of the old ones, dating back to 1948 and the inception of a secular yet Jewish state.