Arab summit brings together odd pairing: Putin's ally al-Assad and foe Zelensky

While it may seem that al-Assad is indebted to Putin for his survival, Damascus, however, has another opinion. It considers that Putin is the one indebted to al-Assad for facilitating his strong comeback to the Middle East through Syria.

However, al-Assad's presence at the Arab summit was the result of Russian support — namely Putin's effort to persuade Arab countries to normalise their relations with Syria. 

Read more: Normalisation with Syria and the emergence of a new Arab security framework

The Arab world listened to Russia's advice for many reasons, including al-Assad's victory in Syria and American slackness.

On his part, Zelensky, is the sworn enemy of al-Assad's ally — Putin.

The Ukrainian president came to an Arab summit to mobilise against the Russian invaders. Ironically, the diplomatic attack launched by Zelensky on the Russian president from his platform at the Arab summit took place while he was on his way to Japan to seek military support from the G7.

Al-Assad presented with dilemma

The symbolic appearance of the president-actor presented a dilemma for al-Assad.

He could either withdraw from the first summit he has been invited to in 12 years, which would be a difficult thing to do, condone Zelensky's remarks against Putin, which would be costly, or opt for the diplomatic option by staying in the hall and turning a deaf ear.

It's important to note that diplomatic relations between Damascus and Kyiv have been severed. The first recognises the independence of the Eastern regions of Ukraine. The latter, on the other hand, has attempted to carry out covert attacks against its Russian opponent in the Eastern region of Syria.

The fact is that, since Russia intervened in Ukraine, there have been numerous overlaps between the parallel conflicts in Syria and Ukraine.

Mercenaries, deals, drones, understandings, agreements, aircraft, systems, sanctions, Russian-Iranian partnership, Russian-Turkish deals, US-Russian conflicts and understandings, and Russian-Israeli tests.

And amidst all these calculations: Russia needs Turkey in Ukraine, and Moscow wants to please Ankara in Syria's Idlib.

Furthermore, Putin has no objection to Damascus ceding control of Idlib and pockets in northern Syria to Erdogan in exchange for Russian-Turkish understandings regarding Nato, Sweden's membership and deals between Moscow and Ankara on nuclear reactors, trade, and tourism.

There is no objection to al-Assad normalising relations with Erdogan and meeting him face to face, as long as this helps the Turkish president, Putin's ally, to win the elections, even if it does not involve an actual Turkish withdrawal or even promises or a timetable for a Turkish withdrawal from Syria.

That was evident in Erdogan's statement when he said that he was ready to meet al-Assad and cooperate against terrorism, but he will not withdraw from Syria.

Al-Assad warns against Erdogan

Hence came al-Assad's message to the Arab countries from the platform of the Jeddah Summit.

It included an attack on Erdogan, as he warned of "the danger of the expansionist Ottoman ideology, which is flavoured with a deviant Brotherhood," referring to the Muslim Brotherhood, which is viewed as an enemy by Damascus and several other Arab countries.

These words resonate in the Arab world.

First, there is a belief that strengthening the regime or state in Syria will act as a barrier against the flow of Turkish influence from the northern front and the Iranian incursion from the eastern front.

There is also a belief that supporting the secular regime in Damascus will serve as a barrier against the Muslim Brotherhood. Furthermore, there is a belief that strengthening the state will, in the long term, weaken the influence of Iran and its affiliated militias.

The messages al-Assad passed against the Ottomans and the Muslim Brotherhood from the Arab platform are understandable.

However, he then delivered another message: He emphasised that Syria is the beating heart of Arabism. It remains inherently Arab, and it is not seeking a return to the Arab bosom.

In essence, it was not Syria that reconnected with the Arab bosom, but rather the Arab world that returned to its place within the heart of Arabism.

For some reason, people — much like states and regimes — move from one bosom to another, however, this is not a Syrian characteristic, as Arabism has always been Syria's past, present, and future.

This was an implicit reference to Iran, whose president Ibrahim Raisi visited Damascus two weeks ago in an attempt to secure sovereign concessions from al-Assad concerning military, resources, and oil rights, which Arab countries have their eyes on in terms of reconstruction and geopolitical matters.

Return to war-torn countries

There is a lot to unpack from the statements of al-Assad, who is Putin's ally and an opponent of the West, and Zelensky, who is Putin's opponent and the ally of the West.

In the end, al-Assad returned to Damascus, the capital of Syria, which is divided into three states: eastern, north-western, and south-western, and whose people suffer from destruction, displacement, immigration and sanctions, and are trapped in the claws of a proxy war, which is fought by major international and regional armies.

Zelensky, on the other hand, went on to attend the G7 summit in Japan before returning to Kyiv, the capital of a country that was divided into two countries: eastern and western, and whose people suffer from destruction, displacement, and immigration, and are trapped in a proxy war that is fought by armies, ammunition, and weapons.

Those were the messages al-Assad and Zelensky sent to both their enemies and allies.