Arrests of loyalist journalists in Syria demonstrate limits to criticism

The criteria for singling out pro-regime journalists appear to be the crossing of prescribed “red lines” and having a large audience, readership or following

Arrests of loyalist journalists in Syria demonstrate limits to criticism

Omar Abdullah, a war correspondent and social media influencer, was arrested by the Syrian government last week in Hama.

This might seem sadly unremarkable in a country where the regime has systemically targeted journalists throughout the conflict. But what is unusual about this case is that Omar is pro-regime.

And he is not the only one to have fallen foul of the al-Assad regime over the past few years. Being a loyalist is no longer enough to avoid persecution and even arrest. In order to understand why, one needs to appreciate how the regime uses the press.

Since the Ba’ath Party took power in 1963, the press in Syria has largely consisted of official newspapers and TV channels and radio stations controlled by the Ministry of Information. These are closely monitored by the intelligence services.

But, following the start of the uprising in March 2011, when large numbers of “citizen journalists” began publishing reports of the daily anti-Assad protests, the regime was forced to rethink its strategy.

The official news platforms were deeply unpopular — even among those loyal to the regime — and could neither suppress nor counter the demonstrators or media activists supporting them.

So, the regime adopted the same tactics, employing its own citizen journalists to create alternative media platforms through which to disseminate its narrative.

However, as living standards continue to deteriorate — even as the conflict winds down — many loyalist journalists and media influencers have turned their attention toward issues such as the appalling civic conditions in cities and towns, and corruption — topics that the regime does not want aired.

Vague charge

Over the past couple of years, an increasing number of loyalist citizen journalists have been harassed and even arrested by Syrian intelligence. The reasons vary but essentially boil down to the vague charge of being “out of line.”

Over the past couple of years, an increasing number of loyalist citizen journalists have been harassed and even arrested by Syrian intelligence. The reasons vary but essentially boil down to the vague charge of being "out of line.

The latest case involves Omar Abdullah, the editor of Mysaf News — a Facebook page with over 1.8 million followers. The reason for his recent arrest is unclear, but many believe it's due to his posts about the harsh living conditions in the country.

It's worth noting that Omar has been arrested multiple times before for his Facebook posts, where he criticised officials for their incompetence and corruption.

In addition to detention by the notorious intelligence agencies, regime officials are now using the judicial system to prosecute media influencers.

For instance, the pro-regime media personality Shadi Helweh was sentenced to imprisonment and a fine for "inciting sectarianism" after the Aleppo City Council sued him on this matter for nearly two years.

The criteria for singling out pro-regime journalists for persecution and even prosecution appear to be the crossing of prescribed "red lines" and having a large audience, readership or following.

What message is the regime trying to send?

But what do these incidents tell us about what the regime is trying to achieve through its new strategy toward the press?

Firstly, it is a reminder to journalists, social media influencers and, indeed, the wider population that the regime's intolerance of criticism has not changed. 

The arrests serve as a reminder to journalists, social media influencers and, indeed, the wider population that the regime's intolerance of criticism has not changed.

Next, the regime wants to control what goes out on social media by taking over and operating the most influential accounts, including the official Facebook page of Damascus Now. Other social media accounts have been closed down, and their operators forced to quit or made to disappear.

Lastly, the regime is determined to retake total control over the flow of information in the country — or at least in areas it controls.

As in the time before the start of the conflict, this will most likely be achieved via official channels and semi-private media platforms owned by people directly affiliated with the government, such as Majd Bahjat Suleiman, Mohammed Hamsho and Aktham Douba.

That control is further bolstered by a new cyber-crime law passed last year. Despite tackling issues like cyber-bullying and fraud, the most serious legal and financial penalties introduced by the new legislation are reserved for those who criticise the president, the constitution or the state.

The law not only allows authorities to penalise the owner of an offending post but also those who comment, share or mention it on social media or in chat applications, such as WhatsApp and Telegram.

The new cyber-crime law not only allows authorities to penalise the owner of an offending post but also those who comment, share or mention it on social media or in chat applications, such as WhatsApp and Telegram.

So far, the number of loyalist journalists who have been arrested remains relatively small.

However, the targeting of high-profile figures and the involvement of the dreaded intelligence agencies in their arrests have been enough to ensure that the regime's message of "back to business as usual" is received loud and clear.

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