Dr Abu Bakr al-Qurbi, Foreign Minister of Yemen, reasserts his country's rejection of any outside mediation to resolve the rebellion crisis in northern Yemen. He says that the primary objective of the latest offensive by the Yemeni army on Houthi strongholds in Saada, was to force them to sit at the negotiations table and enter into a dialogue with the government. He denies any claims saying that the Yemeni authorities received a green light from Washington for the attack on the Houthis. The following are excerpts from the Majalla's interview with Dr Abu Bakr al-Quirbi:
Majalla: Do you think a military confrontation with the Houthi insurgents in Saada will succeed?
Abu Bakr al-Qurbi: As we have always said, the objective of military operations is to push these rebellious elements to sit on the negotiating table. We know that the rebel group is carrying out acts of sabotage and guerrilla war in an attempt to impose its vision and demands without committing itself to the Constitution and the law. As you have seen, the government has been trying since the first war to open communication channels with the group, in order to persuade them to return to their right mind. Their dialogue with the government and their demands – which are nothing more than vague slogans - do not reveal the true objectives of this group. Therefore, the aim of military operations, as I have just said, is to push them to enter into dialogue with the government, but if they continue their acts of aggression, the Government will continue its efforts to end this insurgency.
Majalla: In your opinion, why did the Doha agreement fail in ending the fighting in Saada?
We explained this before. I think that the message sent by the Commission [which was set up to monitor the implementation of the Doha agreement] to His Excellency the President – which was published in newspapers and its signatures were clear enough– has shown that the reason for the failure of the Doha agreement was caused by the Houthis.
Majalla: How do you see the religious and sectarian dimensions of the armed confrontation? Are you worried about that?
I'm the kind of person who is always worried of the presence of a sectarian or racial element in any conflict. It reflects an intellectual backwardness crisis, from which those who promote this type of conflict suffer.
Majalla: What is your assessment of the position of the opposition regarding the war in Saada? Especially as they consider the insurgents and the government "equal" parties, as the opposition's latest statements show?
Unfortunately, the opposition was not successful in the case of the Houthis. They tried to use this issue to gain certain political partisan advantage. Their position was not based on any attempt to apply the Constitution or the law. When the opposition parties call for the government to stop the war and enter into dialogue with the insurgents, they forget or ignore the fact that the government has actually tried to stop the war several times, but the Houthi group did not respond to the government's attempts. The government has always said that the door to dialogue is open; the opposition therefore did not come up with something new. They need to direct their message to the Houthis, and call for them to abide by the Constitution and the law, and engage in genuine dialogue to end this dispute. If the Houthis have legitimate and constitutional demands, we are committed - as a government – to consider and address such demands.
Majalla: Do you think that what is happening in Saada has an impact on the situation in the south?
No, I do not think so. The truth is that what is happening is related solely to the political mobility in the country as a whole. The opposition parties always try to take advantage of existing differences, both in Saada, or in the southern provinces.
Majalla: President Ali Abdullah Saleh has lately accused certain Iranian parties - which he did not name - of supporting the rebellion in Saada. What's your assessment of the current stance towards Iran?
We said that we have certain information, and that we are making investigations based on this information. Once the investigations are completed, the findings will be announced.
Majalla: In regard to this matter, did Iran actually offer to mediate between the government and the Houthis after the outbreak of fighting in recent weeks? Was there a clear framework for the mediation?
Iranians expressed a desire to help the [Yemeni] government, but did not submit a detailed or clear proposal about what they can do. We told them that the most important role which Iran can play is to uphold its announced position to support the unity and stability of Yemen, and not to resort to violence to resolve any differences. We also asked Iran to neutralize their media coverage of the crisis, despite the improvements made to them, as the Iranian media have been supporting and adopting the Houthis view during the previous period.
Majalla: What is your assessment of the Iraqi position regarding the crisis in Saada? Especially since some political parties in Iraq are accusing Yemen of harbouring important figures of the former Baathist regime?
A statement issued by the [Iraqi] Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied any claims that there might be any intentions to allow the Houthis to have there own offices in Iraq. It has been emphasized that the Iraqi constitution and the Iraqi government reject any kind of interference in the internal affairs of any other State. The Iraqis do not link the issue of the presence of some Iraqis in Yemen with the issues raised by Some Iraqi parliamentarians.
Majalla: Do you demand a regional intervention or an intervention by the Gulf States to resolve the crisis?
We have said clearly that this is an internal crisis, which will be resolved through internal dialogue. Unfortunately, foreign mediation gives the impression that this outlaw group and the government are equal parties.
Majalla: Does this mean that you are closing the door in front of any mediation efforts that might be initiated by any of the countries of the region?
I said that this is an internal issue in the first place, and it will be addressed in Yemen by the Yemeni authorities.
Majalla: But if the crisis continues to be unsolvable internally, will the Yemeni government continue to refuse foreign mediation?
The intractability of the crisis comes in the framework of the sabotage and guerrilla warfare committed by the Houthis. Any external or foreign solutions, such as the Doha agreement, will always be temporary ones. The rebellious elements will exploit such solutions for a certain period before they return to revolt again. Therefore, there must be radical solutions to such problems. Unfortunately, mediators in most cases can not provide the appropriate political climate for implementing this kind of solution. Such political climate can only be achieved internally, through a real and serious national dialogue.
Majalla: What is your comment on those who say that Yemen has turned into an arena of rivalry and settling of matters between regional countries?
There is a lot of speculation and political analysis about what is happening in Yemen. All of these readings and possibilities must be taken into account. But the issue in the end must remain a Yemeni internal affair. All political parties in Yemen (including opposition parties, the government and society in general), must understand that their responsibility is to maintain the security and independence of Yemen. They must not make political wrangling and narrow partisan objectives stand as an obstacle in front of finding solutions. All mediations will not bring any results if the Yemenis did not have real intentions to normalize their internal circumstances and overcome their differences and problems.
Majalla: How do you see the future of the efforts of Yemen and its chances in joining the regional Gulf system in light of the crisis of Saada and other crises that the country is undergoing?
Indeed, the march of Yemen to join the Gulf States is moving at a rapid pace. It has taken more momentum in the context of the current positions of the Gulf States towards Yemen. The GCC has become convinced that what is happening in Yemen requires it to give the Yemeni government more political, economic, and developmental support, so that it might overcome all the difficulties it faces. Any serious repercussions that might occur in Yemen will have direct implications on the Gulf countries and regional security as a whole.
Majalla: Have you discussed this matter with the Secretary General of Gulf Cooperation Council, Abdulrahman Al-Attiyah, during his recent visit to Yemen [at the beginning of September]?
Of course we discussed this subject with him. We also raised the issue of the rebellion in Saada and other issues with the Arab foreign ministers in Cairo. We wanted them to know the truth as it is and not through the media, which sometimes tend to distort facts.
Majalla: What is your assessment of the positions of Western Europe and America regarding the war in Saada? Is it true that the Yemeni government took from the Americans the green light to resort to a military solution in its battle with the Houthis?
The Yemeni government does not need to take a green light from anybody to solve an internal issue that concerns national security. It is an issue of special interest to us in preserving national unity, and ending the armed rebellion against the legitimate Government of the country. European and Gulf countries called for a cease-fire and to take into account the humanistic aspect while in war. They showed their appreciation for the efforts being made by Yemen in this regard. Yemen is perhaps one of the few countries where the Government and people have made a significant effort to help displaced people and supply them with provisions. The United States, as you know, has announced in its second statement [about the war in Saada] that the government has the right to confront armed and outlawed rebellious elements.
Majalla: Can this war be solved through military means, or do you believe that it is an ideological conflict that must be addressed differently?
I think that the issue of confronting a way of thought is very important; intellectual deviation is one of the most prominent risks that our societies suffer from. Intellectual deviations in the Arab and Islamic worlds over the centuries have led us to catastrophes. One of the most important problems concerning ideological deviation is that some people inflame them In order to serve personal interests and agendas of particular States or groups, in or outside the region. But in the end, everyone pays the price for these intellectual, ideological, and religious conflicts. Such deviations can only be addressed through thought. One can only counter a thought by another thought. This can be done through several ways, such as an education that removes the erroneous understanding and reading of religion and history. It is a long-term issue, because even if you were able to put a group that adopts an erroneous way of thinking on the right path, after a period of time, if you do not have sound educational foundations, you'll find other groups suffering from intellectual deviations.
Majalla: Finally, how do you see the future of Yemen in the light of the complex crises it suffers from either in the North or the South, not to mention the aggravation of al-Qaeda threat?
The triangle that the government faces now is a one representing extremism in thought. It is also, as I said earlier, a group that does not read history correctly. All of this will certainly result in harming the stability and development in Yemen, and harming the lives of Yemeni citizens. All of these rebellious elements swim against the current, with regards to history and the era in which we live. Thus, they are fighting a losing battle. The problem is that they are hindering the progress of Yemen and The Arab and Islamic nations as well. The enemies of the Islamic nation and Arab nation are the ones who reap the harvest of what these rebellious elements are doing under the claim of fighting such enemies.
The issue of the South has a political dimension. It has been addressed several times before, and we continue to address it. I am sure that the voices calling for a disengagement or separation do not represent the majority of Yemen in the north and south, because unity is rooted in the conscience of the Yemenis. As usual, there will always be complaints when there are economic problems, difficult circumstances, and an administration that might have committed errors. But such problems should be addressed within the constitutional institutions and legitimate political movement.
Majalla: According to your opinion, how much time Yemen will need in order to restore its stability?
I am not a fortune teller. But I hope it doesn't take too long.
Mohammad Saif Haidar – Journalist and researcher in the Saba Centre for Strategic Studies.
