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The residents of Mohammed Bouazizi’s hometown, Sidi Bouzid, are not pleased. Located in one of the poorest parts of Tunisia, they are raising their voices in almost daily demonstrations against what has become—for them—another disappointing government that ignores their ongoing socio-economic challenges while pursuing its own elitist political agenda. With unemployment now at 19 percent, five points up from pre-revolution numbers, the same grievances that ignited the uprising in late 2010 are drawing people onto the streets again. Nine months ago they marched against Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali’s government chanting “Ben Ali, Degage!” (Get Out). Today residents of towns like Sidi Bouzid chant “Beji, Degage!” even as they face batons, tear gas and sometimes death. Some Tunisians are wondering how much, if at all, their revolution has changed Tunisia.
From the government’s perspective, the daunting task of Tunisia’s economic development will take time. However, transitional governments simply lack authority to enter into long-term financial and development agreements on behalf of the state. Consequently, this transitional government is leaving serious structural changes for an elected government—focusing instead on establishing and maintaining a secure environment so that Tunisians can freely go to the polls on 23 October to select a constituent assembly. The constituent assembly will then draft a new constitution within one year, following which Tunisians will accept or reject the constitution in a national referendum.
[inset_left]Demonstrators protesting the slow pace of change have clashed with police[/inset_left]
This is fine for the few who can afford to wait. But for the quarter of a million Tunisians living below the poverty line—750 to 800 thousand Tunisians are currently unemployed—this process means there will be little or no support along the way.
Samir Rhimi, a resident of Kassrine, where unemployed teachers staged a sit-in for nearly two months in June and July, put it bluntly to New York Times reporter, Kareem Fahim: “If there is no development in this region, there will be no stability in the country.” For Fahim and growing numbers of Tunisians the key challenges at this stage of the revolution are the pace of reform, poor public relations and unwise decisions.
Significantly, these challenges are also obscuring government attempts to improve the situation. Although interim Prime Minister Beji Caid El-Sebsi has acknowledged the economic difficulties, he has also emphasized that any measures designed to improve the economy and decrease unemployment need time to take effect. At the same time, the prime minister has stressed the important role of investors and businesspeople in helping the government to jump-start the economy.
Since the transitional government formed, it has tried to minimize the impact of the economic crisis through a number of initiatives designed to provide quick, but short-term, relief. These have included cash hand-outs to the lowest income families, increasing the number of families benefiting from social allowances (from 50,000 to 185,000) and developing government programs and job creation schemes targeting disadvantaged youth. Yet despite these efforts, the government has not managed to reach enough people, in part because economic decision-making is scattered across eight different ministries, the prime minister's office and the central bank, with apparently little or no coordination.
The government’s structural limitations and perceived failures, along with the growing sense of its disinterest in the hardships of ordinary Tunisians, are all contributing to a tense relationship between the governed and their transitional government.
This relationship has worsened in recent months. Demonstrators protesting the slow pace of change have clashed with police on the streets of Tunis, Sidi Bouzid, Sbeitla, Metlaoui, Jbeniana, Sakiet Ezzit, Douz and El-Kalaa. The police have in turn retaliated with harsh preventative and protective measures, including curfews, arrests and sometimes violence to enforce the state of emergency in place since 14 January. Such an intense focus on law and order, an unsavory characteristic of the Ben Ali government, is a difficult pill to swallow for those still waiting to benefit from a safer economic environment.
In a further blow to the government’s reputation, El-Sebsi gave a particularly galling speech to the nation on 6 September. The speech followed demonstrations by police forces demanding the resignation of the minister of the interior, Habib Essid, and chief of staff of the Tunisian army, General Ammar Rashid. They blamed Essid for ignoring their demand for fair trials for colleagues accused of killing protesters during the revolution, and accused Ammar Rashid of stoking the current unrest in order to take power.
In his address, El-Sebsi reminded Tunisians that the nation was in a state of emergency and justified the prohibition on "all demonstrations, all strikes and all meetings that may affect the safety of the country.” He went on to say, "any person known to engage in activities related to homeland security" could be placed under house arrest, and that regional governors would have their powers enhanced. El-Sebsi then lashed out at the police, going as far as calling some of them monkeys, and describing their demonstration as an "encouragement of insurrection.” This statement caused enough offence to prompt police to demand an apology at a second demonstration two days later.
The government’s response to the current unrest indicates at the very least that it is incapable of governing in a post-revolutionary environment and at the most that it is not acting in the best interests of Tunisians. The second argument, though frequent, is difficult to substantiate. The government is responding to economic grievances and security concerns, which have consistently shown up on polls as the most important issues for Tunisians today.
The more likely explanation for the growing disquiet is the government's limited competence. It appears incapable of running the country and simultaneously taking Tunisia to the next stage of the democratic process. Amid growing skepticism, Tunisians want to hold the government accountable to its pledge to address their needs.
“The Tunisian people have an obligation to avoid violence so as to eliminate any pretext for the government to stay in power,” if this is in fact what the interim government wants. So warns Jamel Bettaieb, a Tunisian and a fellow at the MENA Democracy Fellows Program, who spoke with The Majalla.
That said, the government must play a more intelligent game in its communications with the public and avoid provoking Tunisian citizens with insensitive speeches and violent responses to their legitimate complaints. As Tunisians approach the October election, finding a common ground with the government is crucial for the country’s progress towards a better future.
