The Syria-Israel talks are stuck in damage control

US-sponsored diplomacy is better equipped to contain the fallout from Israeli strikes than to deliver lasting security

The Syria-Israel talks are stuck in damage control

Sunday’s high-level Syrian-Israeli meeting in Amman, held under US mediation, was an urgent exercise in damage control. Convened days after Israel attacked Abu al-Duhur airbase, it sought to halt further Israeli military operations, prevent Israeli-Turkish tensions from spilling onto Syrian territory and revive negotiations towards a security agreement.

Yet the strike exposed the central weakness of the existing diplomatic channels. Damascus, Israel and the United States had spent the preceding days in intensive contacts intended to resolve the dispute and prevent escalation. Israel attacked anyway. The problem was therefore not a lack of communication, but the absence of effective restraints on Israel’s operations inside Syria.

For now, US-sponsored diplomacy is better equipped to contain the fallout from Israeli strikes than to deliver lasting security. A breakthrough may depend less on another round of talks than on whether Israel’s election produces a government prepared to sign—and abide by—a binding security agreement.

The 18 August strike exposed the limits of Washington’s influence. Israel said it targeted Abu al-Duhur to prevent Türkiye from deploying troops and advanced military systems at the base. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office claimed that Damascus was on the verge of breaching an agreed security “status quo” despite repeated Israeli warnings.

Syria and Türkiye denied planning any permanent Turkish deployment. In the days before the strike, Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani reportedly held conversations with Mossad chief Roman Gofman and US envoy Tom Barrack.

Al-Shaibani explained that the runway repairs were intended for the Syrian air force and posed no threat to Israel. Barrack later said US intelligence had not corroborated Israel’s assessment. Israel nevertheless struck before those diplomatic efforts had run their course. Eight strikes damaged the base’s runways and storage facilities but caused no reported casualties.

A Syria-Israel diplomatic breakthrough may depend on whether Israel's election produces a government prepared to sign—and abide by—a security agreement.

They nevertheless created precisely the danger that deconfliction channels were supposed to prevent. Abu al-Duhur lies around 70 kilometres from the Turkish border, yet Ankara received no advance warning. Barrack said Türkiye detected Israeli aircraft flying north without knowing their destination and could reasonably have prepared a response. A confrontation was avoided through last-minute restraint, not a functioning system.

Deeper disagreement

The imbalance in negotiating leverage and the gap between the two sides' positions reflect a deeper disagreement over the purpose of the negotiations. Syria wants Israel to halt its strikes, arrests and incursions, withdraw to the positions it held before Assad's fall and restore the 1974 disengagement agreement.

Damascus also insists on its sovereign right to rebuild its armed forces and choose its alliances, including its military partnership with Türkiye. Israel, by contrast, seeks security arrangements that preserve its freedom to operate in Syrian airspace. It has also shown little willingness to withdraw from territory seized after December 2024.

The divide is therefore not merely technical. For Damascus, a security agreement offers a route towards restoring Syrian sovereignty. For Israel, it appears to offer a means of formalising restrictions on Syria while preserving its own freedom of action.

Diplomatic talks alone cannot bridge that divide. Doing so will require reciprocal commitments, enforceable consequences for violations and a guarantor willing and able to hold both sides to the agreement.

The United States has so far been unwilling to use its influence to impose meaningful constraints on Israel.

US limits exposed

The United States has so far been unwilling to use its influence to impose meaningful constraints on Israel. Washington has brought the parties back to the negotiating table but has not translated its mediation into a binding agreement. Al-Shaibani underscored this limitation in a recent interview, saying that the two sides had agreed on paper to "almost everything" around the beginning of the year.

Damascus, however, had seen little evidence that Israel was willing to implement those understandings. The Abu al-Duhur strike gives Syria even less reason to expect a substantially different Israeli approach in Amman.

Israel's 27 October election sets a clear ceiling on what the Amman talks can achieve. As the campaign intensifies, Netanyahu has strong incentives to project military resolve towards Syria and little reason to accept visible limits on Israel's freedom of action.

Yet the vote may still create an opening. A change of government would not erase the significant differences between the two sides, but it could produce an Israeli leadership more willing to address its security concerns through negotiation rather than repeated military action.

Only then can US-mediated talks between Syria and Israel move beyond crisis management and towards a durable security agreement.

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