The US draft resolution on Trump's Gaza Plan falls short

Amendments are needed to avoid cementing the very divisions that have made peace elusive for generations. On Friday, Russia proposed just that.

Reuters / Al Majalla

The US draft resolution on Trump's Gaza Plan falls short

At first glance, the New York Declaration (NYD) appears to mark a moment of cautious optimism in the long and weary history of the Israel‑Palestine conflict. Born of the conviction that a two‑state solution must remain the cornerstone of international diplomacy, it offers not a detailed roadmap but an international framework and a shared horizon—a set of principles designed to restore legitimacy, dignity, and agency to both peoples.

Its genius lies not in prescribing immediate outcomes but in reasserting a simple, vital premise: that any durable peace must be rights‑based, multilateral, and anchored in the authority of the United Nations. Yet even as the ink dried on that modest diplomatic achievement, Washington moved to fill the vacuum with its own vision—the US draft resolution to operationalise parts of the Trump Plan.

Cloaked in the language of pragmatism, the draft seeks to establish a ‘Board of Peace’ (BOP) as a transitional governance mechanism and an ‘International Stabilisation Force’ (ISF) for Gaza. Together, these would ostensibly provide the scaffolding for stability and reconstruction.

But the reality is more troubling. Beneath its procedural veneer, the resolution risks transforming an already flawed plan into an imposed framework—one that prioritises speed and optics over legitimacy and inclusion. In trying to create movement, it threatens to substitute process for progress.

Declaration to draft

The NYD was never meant to deliver instant results. Its strength lies in its flexibility: a call for coordinated diplomacy, humanitarian protection, and a credible political horizon. It explicitly ties progress to UN Security Council Resolutions—demanding regular, transparent reporting to both the Council and the General Assembly. It reaffirms the multilateral system’s capacity to hold all parties (both state and non‑state) accountable to international law.

By contrast, the US draft resolution seems like a ‘take-it-or-leave-it’ proposition. It compresses a deeply complex political conflict into a managerial exercise—handing the BOP a two‑year carte blanche with minimal safeguards and only vague references to Israeli withdrawal or Palestinian empowerment. It is efficient on paper, but efficiency without legitimacy is the hallmark of an imposed peace.

AFP
An Israeli tank in the southern Gaza Strip can be seen while thousands of Palestinians flee their homes towards the city of Rafah.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has long been shaped by an asymmetry of power. Israel’s dominance, backed by US support, has turned many peace initiatives into instruments of containment, rather than emancipation. The US draft resolution echoes this pattern. By framing governance and stabilisation without anchoring them in Palestinian agency or rights, it risks perpetuating the very imbalance that the NYD sought to counter.

Cost of being vague

The resolution’s defenders argue that it is pragmatic—focused on stability, reconstruction, and demilitarisation. But pragmatism without precision is perilous. The text remains ambiguous on fundamental issues such as timelines, milestones, verification, and international oversight. Most alarmingly, it avoids explicit reference to a two‑state solution, or to the body of binding Security Council resolutions that define the contours of such an outcome.

This omission is not semantic. It signals a deeper reluctance to tether action to law. Without that anchor, the BOP and ISF risk becoming instruments of control, rather than transition—administering an indefinite limbo, rather than enabling self‑determination. In response, several regional capitals have begun to articulate a blended framework, one that merges the operational focus of the US plan with the normative backbone of the NYD.

Beneath its procedural veneer, the US resolution risks transforming an already flawed plan into an imposed framework

Their goal is to engage the US constructively while reasserting the UN's role as the guarantor of neutrality and legitimacy. US leverage and resources remain indispensable, so this is a delicate balance, but the current resolution sidelines international law and Palestinian agency. The challenge is to keep the Trump plan politically tethered to a multilateral process, even as Washington resists the constraints of one.

Avoiding partition

One of the most dangerous ideas recently floated by Israel—and implicitly endorsed by the US—is the partitioning of Gaza under the guise of stabilisation. This would be a profound error. Partition would entrench occupation, fragment Palestinian identity, and extinguish the possibility of a contiguous, viable Palestinian state. Far from solving the problem, it would cement the very divisions that have made peace elusive for generations.

The US draft does not explicitly endorse the idea of partition, but it allows for its implementation. The international community must resist the temptation of expedient fixes that trade long‑term justice for short‑term quiet. The only sustainable path forward remains the restoration of a unified Palestinian polity under legitimate, civilian authority within a process that leads to statehood.

ANGELA WEISS / AFP
US deputy Middle East envoy Morgan Ortagus raises her hand during a United Nations Security Council meeting on the situation in Gaza, at UN headquarters in New York on 18 September 2025.

The United States has called on the United Nations Security Council to officially back its draft resolution aimed at bolstering President Donald Trump's Gaza peace plan, warning that Palestinians could suffer "grave consequences" if it does not. But the way forward lies in amending the US draft, rather than rejecting it. On 14 November, Russia presented the council with its own "counter-proposal" on Gaza, challenging Washington's draft, according to a copy seen by the Reuters news agency. "The objective of our draft is to enable the Security Council to develop a balanced, acceptable, and unified approach toward achieving a sustainable cessation of hostilities," the note said.

Several concrete modifications could transform it from a unilateral instrument into a credible multilateral foundation. There needs to be an explicit two‑state reference with clear linkage to the West Bank, and it needs to be conditioned on there being no unilateral changes to Gaza's territorial status.

Beyond that, there needs to be accountability and follow-up involving both the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly. The latter's operational role is critical. It can advance parallel tracks—humanitarian protection, regional diplomacy, and a formal, rights-based political process—while coordinating with regional actors to sustain pressure for concrete measures and timelines. The General Assembly endorsed the New York Declaration, and must remain invested in the follow-up.

Finally, there needs to be a time‑bound transition to Palestinian civilian authority under international supervision with clear humanitarian protections, governance reform measures, revenue arrangements that ensure Palestinian fiscal autonomy, and a verifiable path to statehood.

Spain's Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez is applauded by MPs after delivering a speech to announce that Spain will recognise Palestine as a state on May 28 at the Congress of Deputies in Madrid on May 22, 2024.

Uncomfortable reality 

Few think Washington will embrace these changes. The draft resolution, in its current form, is pour la forme—a gesture toward multilateralism, rather than a genuine commitment to it. Like the Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) established after the Egypt‑Israel peace treaty, the envisioned ISF in Gaza may end as a token deployment rather than a transformative mechanism.

Some have argued that the US, having gone through the motions of seeking a UN mandate for the Trump Plan, will proceed to create the ISF either from willing countries or, worse, from contractors. The first option is highly unlikely. No country will want to put its soldiers in harm's way to disarm Hamas. The second option would be an outright disaster. Better there be no resolution than a bad one. A flawed mandate would not only fail to advance peace, but it would also actively undermine the credibility of future diplomacy.   

There is hope. As witnessed previously, President Trump can change his mind, and Washington has indicated that it is not in a hurry. A two-week interval has been proposed. This allows Arab states to persuade Trump to think again. Despite its imperfections, the NYD is still the only shared platform capable of uniting international and regional actors around a legitimate endgame.

 A two-week interval has been proposed. This allows Arab states to persuade Trump to think again.

It reopens a rare diplomatic window—one that will not stay open forever. Peace will not be brokered by unilateral blueprints or improvised governance boards. It will emerge (if at all) from a process that marries realism with legitimacy, one that stabilises the ground without surrendering the horizon.

As it stands, the US draft resolution fails that test. But if it can be rebalanced, it offers an opportunity to restore diplomacy's essential purpose: transforming power into principle, and rhetoric into rights. In the Middle East, history has been unkind to those who mistake management for resolution. The challenge now is to ensure that diplomacy, for once, resists that temptation.

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