When Syrians start yearning for the days of Assad, you know you're in trouble

Sectarianism has not just appeared in Syria; it has taken hold. Suddenly, everything is being done and seen through a sectarian lens. This is not the Syria it needs to be, and must be condemned.

When Syrians start yearning for the days of Assad, you know you're in trouble

At first glance, it may appear that the current sectarian tensions in Syria are a recent development. In truth, these tensions have deep roots. In many cases, they are only now coming to the surface, after decades of dormancy. What was once whispered behind closed doors is now voiced openly.

Sectarian lines are being drawn, sides are being taken, and those not doing so leave themselves open to accusations. In a sense, it is an oddity to feel extreme loyalty to a characteristic or heritage one never chooses. After all, we do not choose our skin colour, ethnicity, gender, or sect, yet many are swept up in a wave of fanaticism to ‘defend’ those of the same ‘kind’ and to combat those who are different.

The crime in Suweida was just that: a crime. Likewise, the killings on the coast in March, and the near-daily occurrences throughout the country. Each demands condemnation, and each demands that perpetrators be held to account. We owe that not just to the victims but to the homeland and the new post-Assad state of Syria. Yet where there should be faith that this will happen, there is none.

Missing the Assads

A few weeks ago, while I was in Tartus on the Syrian coast, a friend who was originally from that region called me from Europe. A staunch opponent of the Assad regime, he has not set foot in Syria since its liberation, and told me that life on the coast today was unbearable—contrary to what I had heard from several Alawite acquaintances who are still in Syria.

“Life is much better now than it was two months ago,” they told me, so I assumed that my friend in Europe was exaggerating or simply wrong, yet he was adamant. “We’re starting to miss the days of Hafez and Bashar,” he said. His statement shocked me. Here was someone who had long opposed the Assads and spent years in their prison for doing so.

The crime in Suweida was just that: a crime. Likewise, the killings on the coast in March, and the near-daily occurrences throughout the country

In Suweida, appalling crimes killed hundreds of Druze and Bedouins, many of them civilians. How can these perpetrators claim to be cultured? How can anyone say they want a state of citizenship if they are willing to slaughter other citizens who are different from them? And how can self-proclaimed secularists risk dragging the country back decades by arguing for Bedouin expulsion because they are "accustomed to banishment"?

Not turning the page

Fresh crimes come to light every week, mainly through social media: Youssef Al-Labbad, a young Syrian man, tortured to death by security forces, or Suleiman Ahmad Qarqamas, who died under torture at the hands of Lebanese security shortly after his arrest. Death under torture was a malignant hallmark of the Assads for half a century. Syria should have turned the page on such horrors. Why has it not?

Criticising and opposing the Syrian government today is a Syrian right—and arguably, a national duty if state security forces are guilty of these crimes. If it is to succeed, the new Syria needs all its citizens to play their part, not least in the rebuilding process. To continue in the same manner as Assad's thugs is an affront to the memory of their victims.

Truth-telling must come before reconciliation. Assad's Syria is gone, there should be no trace of his regime's legacy in the new state's governance. The new Syria must belong to all Syrians who must all play a role in its rebuilding, to create a state in which crimes are condemned and punished regardless of who the perpetrator or the victim are. If sympathy is based solely on sect, and if compassion is measured solely in social media 'likes,' then it is not a country worthy of the name.

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