The politics of education in Lebanon

Lebanon has, without doubt, shouldered a significant burden from Syria's refugee crisis, at a time when it has had its own persistent political and economic turmoil. There has been controversy over the issue, and it has proved persistent.

But examination of Geagea's unprecedented stance reveals that is both misplaced and shortsighted, while there are clearer and more convincing arguments – being made by internationally respected commentators – that show making sure education reaches more people is the best route out of crisis.

First of all, Lebanese politicians seem to overlook Lebanon's complicity in the crimes committed against the Syrians.

Had a Lebanese faction – Hezbollah – not intervened militarily in Syria in support of Bashar al-Assad's regime, Lebanon would not have had to host such a large number of Syrians on its soil.

The argument that Lebanon as a state is uninvolved in Syria and only certain parties and factions have intervened soon falls apart. Lebanon itself, and its national decision making has been hijacked by the main faction or party involved: Hezbollah.

After Hezbollah sent its fighters to Syria – displacing and killing Syrians – all Lebanese political parties continued to participate with Hezbollah in the cabinet, parliament, or in various forms of dialogue.

Even if we accept that Lebanon is unable to curb Hezbollah's activities in Syria and beyond, it is neither realistic nor logical to hold Syrian children—the victims of Hezbollah's aggression—responsible for the resulting consequences.

Lebanon is more like partner in Syria, much like Iran, Russia, and Iraq. Arguments that a single Lebanese faction is responsible for the current situation look like no more than politics and disregard the Lebanese state's inability to prevent Hezbollah from participating in regional wars in service of the Iranian project.

Secondly, there are particular legal matters over education. The decision that only a residence permit, valid for the whole school year, should be valid for refugees to enter school would only be reasonable if clearly outlined in laws which were then applied equally to everyone.

Any decision not to recognise UNHCR documents after many years of accepting them requires scrutiny.

This is especially important considering the daily complexities and difficulties Syrian refugees in Lebanon face in obtaining legal residence without losing their refugee status.

Meanwhile, those who travel to Syria for holidays and special occasions – which would indicate that they face no danger there – more easily obtain the status needed to attend school.

Is the real intention to punish those who opposed the Damascus regime or participated in demonstrations, fleeing with their children from barrel bombs, chemical weapons, and knives?

And this politically motivated effort to bar Syrian refugees from education violates Articles 14 and 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a document to which Lebanon has significantly contributed.

Worse still, those who demanded the education ban have attacked the UNHCR and the United Nations, inciting against them as if they were guilty of a criminal act while forgetting that the real criminal sits elsewhere.

A crucial aspect of the Syrian refugee education issue is often overlooked: the staggering number of children affected.

According to a UNICEF report issued in December 2023, 61% of Syrian children are out of school. This statistic – along with the high percentage of out-of-school children in opposition-held areas in Syria of more than 50% –  should be alarming.

The issue extends beyond human rights. It affects the future stability of a region already plagued by extremism, terrorism, drug abuse, and organised crime.

Is the intention to give those who destabilise the region more opportunities by leaving millions of children on the streets, vulnerable to recruitment by these organisations, under the pretext that Lebanon, which contributed to their displacement, is not a refugee host country?

No one is demanding their settlement, but education should be a red line agreed upon by all if we want to at least stop the cycle of violence and extremism that has plagued the region for years.

And there are some financial benefits for Lebanon derived from hosting Syrian students in its schools. Previously, for each Syrian student enrolled in afternoon sessions in schools, UNICEF allocated $600 annually to the Lebanese Ministry of Education. The payment equivalent payment for morning sessions was $363. In addition, there was a payment of $160 for each Lebanese student.

These funds were designated for operational costs – excluding teacher salaries – school building maintenance, and the use of equipment and furniture.

And UNICEF and donor countries have fully or partially renovated hundreds of Lebanese schools as part of agreements allowing Syrian students to attend. Moreover, over 13,000 Lebanese teachers were contracted to teach Syrian students during afternoon shifts.

UNICEF decreased its payments in the 2022/2023 school year amid numerous crises both regionally and globally, to $140 per Syrian student in public education, regardless of whether they attended morning or afternoon shifts. This reduction underscores another alarming development in the ongoing challenges faced.

Cutting funding for education at a time of turmoil in a region prone to extremism is unwise. Deliberately seeking to cut off access to it for distinct swathes of young people will prevent them from acquiring the means to become immune to the extremists.

Mamdouh Al-Muhaini, the renown columnist and major journalistic figure in the Arab world made clear observations on this, writing: "While security forces can prevent terrorist attacks, eliminating terrorist ideologies rests squarely on the shoulders of education ministers."

His words underline the critical role of education ­– not only in imparting knowledge – but also in cultivating informed minds resilient against dangerous beliefs.

Geagea's call also took criticism from Tarek Al-Hamid writing in Asharq Al-Awsat.

He argued that the issue transcends mere political debate, with education as a means of shaping the future. He said officials and intellectuals had a responsibility to pre-emptively address factors that could exacerbate the region's crises.

Al-Hamid  identified the absence and decline of education as the most dangerous crisis facing the region.

He is right, and we should listen to him: education should be prioritised, not sidelined. His call for the establishment of an educational fund – possibly an international Arab fund, to ensure the uninterrupted flow of education, especially in conflict zones – should be heeded.

Security measures alone cannot effectively combat extremism, terrorism, and crime. What we urgently need are enlightened minds that reject such ideologies, thereby depriving the forces of evil of fertile ground to thrive.