By Kamal Dib
Published by Dar al Nahar
Supported with documents and a well-scrutinized body of literature, the book does not only trace the Lebanese history back to the Pre-Great Lebanon Era, as its cover title may suggest, but rather to the nineteenth century civil war. The scientific spirit and neutrality is unmistakably evident throughout the book. However, it goes beyond pure theory to explore particular moments in Lebanese history within a broader context.
The author makes an all-out review of the different ideologies and beliefs embraced by the Lebanese, whether at times of war or at peace times where the struggle over power is rampant. Having gone beyond the theoretical framework which tackles social, demographic and ethical issues, he sets out to chart what can be called a "roadmap" that helps all the Lebanese, Muslims and Christians, to search for common choices and future solutions. This will make them avoid any consequences that may lead to the collapse of this distinguished political entity.
The Lebanon project is still alive and widespread at the beginning of the 21st century. The evidence is that Lebanon still exists with its known borders and the country has not been partitioned or included in a larger Arab or regional geographic entity, even after 30 years of the fall of Christian Lebanon. The issue of Lebanon's sovereignty became established in the constitution since the Taif Agreement with full approval of the Muslim side this time. So there is no fear regarding geographical Lebanon, but fear arises concerning Lebanon's unique social contract which most Arab states have never been able to emulate, given their failure to create a similar ethnographic entity that brings together all majorities and minorities. Even Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Jordan did not show a remarkable track record in this connection.
After The Doha settlement, the writer is concerned that Lebanon would face possible future conflicts that might lead to more settlements. These settlements, the writer thinks, would in turn weaken the role of Christians in the government. In Doha, the President of the state was chosen as a consensual president. Having been elected by over-all consent, the president is supposed to reconcile between the two sides that have chosen him. The writer believes that if the role of Christians in the Lebanese political life declines and if their emigration continues, a new Sunni or Shiite president would take over in 2014. As a result, Sunni and Shiite sides would get into conflict due to a narrow margin majority achieved by the two and a minority of Christians which has declined to as low as 30%. Lebanon would then be ruled by a Sunni or Shiite president according to the principle of "who wins the battle" which would undoubtedly involve internal and external sides; a case familiar in Lebanese disputes.
Therefore, an effective part to be played by the Christian minority is essential for safeguarding and protecting Lebanon, whether it comes in the form of a more powerful role on the president's part that engages Muslims and Christians alike, or one involving key political actors who represent the Christians. These actors could depend on the historical background of Christians and their qualitative rather than numerical presence as is the case with the Druze Sect and their leader Waleed Jomblat. Otherwise, Lebanese Christians would become (like Christians in other Arab countries) no more than individuals who would not occupy prominent positions except in extreme cases or vacancies that would require none other than them.
The writer adds that there is no relationship between the shrinking role of Christians and Islamic expansion in Lebanon. Islamic wakeup calls are active all over the Arab and the Islamic World without any interference with Christian presence in the East. In Iraq, for instance, terrorists are indiscriminately killing Christians and Muslims alike and forcing them to emigrate. Therefore, he considers the loss of a pluralistic Lebanon with Christian traits and an Arab hue as a loss for the Arab and Islamic World. After 11 September 2001, Lebanon was the only example cited by the Arab media in defending the Arab world against fierce attacks by Western media…"Look, here is an Arab country where 18 Christian and Muslim sects coexist and live peacefully with each other".
Dr. Kamal Dib concludes that the Eastern Christian culture is an integral part of the Arab and Islamic civilization but this is not to deny that Arab Christians share many principles with the Christian West through their common Christian heritage. Thus they do not want fundamental Islam to impose a way of life and rule on them. They do not accept that the West takes them as mere followers and agents whenever it pleases them.
They believe that the Islamic-Christian dialogue is not between a Christian West and an Islamic East as the West wanted it to be; it is between an Eastern Church and an Eastern Mosque.
The current struggle is between East and West, not between Christianity and Islam. Based on that, Lebanon becomes an example of co-existence, freedom, democracy, and a blend of cultures and beliefs: a necessity for Arabism and Islam so that the latter will appear as a religion which is open and tolerant despite ongoing defamation endeavours in the West, that impregnable barrier.
