Eyal Zamir: the army chief trying to save Israel from Netanyahu

This is the second time that Zamir has reported to Israel’s prickly prime minister, but the first time he has publicly disagreed with him. Who will get the better of the argument?

Eduardo Ramon

Eyal Zamir: the army chief trying to save Israel from Netanyahu

Sniping, simmering debate and boil-over disagreements are no strangers to Israeli politics, as this week’s carping and hand-bagging over an Israeli parliamentary vote on West Bank annexation during US Vice President JD Vance’s visit showed.

But with all the American official visits to Israel in recent days—including US President Donald Trump, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, US Middle East Envoy Steve Witkoff, and Trump’s son-in-law and advisor Jared Kushner—few outside Israel have noticed that the country’s army chief, Eyal Zamir, 59, is fast becoming one of Israel’s most important figures, alongside Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, with whom he seems to vehemently disagree over Gaza.

Whilst all the attention has been on Trump, Netanyahu, and Hamas, the Israeli army that Zamir heads has been pursuing its war aims. Yet the army is increasingly fractured and exhausted. For months, Zamir has been at pains to end the war in Gaza, repeatedly saying that there is no military solution there.

Sniping over Gaza

Every day, domestic headlines describe Netanyahu as being ‘at war’ with his security advisers, Zamir being the most senior. Yet Netanyahu appointed Zamir, and at the time it was seen as political, since Zamir once served as Netanyahu’s military secretary. The politics of appointments now seems second-nature, however. In recent months, Netanyahu has been accused of interfering in the promotion and removal of senior staff at Israel’s domestic intelligence agency, Shin Bet, and of politicising the postings of senior army officers.

Netanyahu’s vocal son and others accuse Zamir of insubordination and disloyalty to the prime minister by opposing his plan to expand the Gaza war. Zamir was also against striking Hamas in Doha, for which Trump later forced Netanyahu to personally apologise to Qatar’s emir in a call that Trump was on (this would have left Netanyahu squirming).

Behind the scenes, Zamir has been one of the key architects of the Gaza plan. His close relationship with former and current US Central Command (CENTCOM) chiefs Michael Kurilla and Brad Cooper meant that Netanyahu was outflanked and brought to the negotiating table. It is an open secret that Netanyahu was loath to sign off on the deal, but between Trump and Zamir, they backed him into a corner. The question some now ask is: what else might Zamir get Netanyahu to do?

SEBASTIAN SCHEINER / AFP
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (R) speaks with Military Secretary Eyal Zamir during the weekly cabinet meeting in his Jerusalem office on April 28, 2013

Continuing a tradition

It is important to understand context, including the wider role of Israeli army chiefs and the national importance of the army. Israel’s past army generals were often seen as heroes saving Israel from destruction. Some of Israel’s most popular leaders were first successful military commanders, including Moshe Dayan, Yitzhak Rabin, Ariel Sharon, and Ehud Barak.

Interestingly, however, these heroes all turned into villains when they clashed with the country's right-wing religious nationalists: the revered Dayan was held responsible when Syria and Egypt almost defeated Israel in 1973; Rabin was killed for signing a peace deal with the Palestinians; Sharon was seen as a traitor for pulling out of Gaza; and Barak was accused of handing Jerusalem to Arafat despite being the most decorated soldier in Israeli history.

In other words, there is now a well-established trend of Israeli generals going from hero to zero when they take on the settlers and right-wingers. Zamir is continuing that tradition, annoying Israel's ultra-nationalists who want endless slaughter in Gaza. Netanyahu, the flag-bearer of Israeli settlers and other extremists, got the better of Rabin, Sharon, and Barak (under whom Netanyahu served in the elite Sayeret Matkal special forces unit) and will no doubt feel able to best Zamir.

For months, Zamir has tried to end the war in Gaza, repeatedly saying that there is no military solution there

Picking fights

Defence minister and Netanyahu loyalist Israel Katz publicly criticised Zamir for being too outspoken on Gaza and on the appointments of new army generals, making Zamir's job more difficult as a result. There is tabloid talk of replacing Zamir with someone more willing to do the ultra-nationalists' bidding.

As Netanyahu's military secretary for three years, Zamir was his personal military adviser on all decisions outside the General Staff. During those three years from 2012-15, the two men got to know each other well. Zamir's grandparents were from Yemen and Syria, his mum having escaped Hafez al-Assad's rule in the 1990s. This mixed heritage is traditionally quite rare in those who make it to the top of Israel's army.

It will not be lost on Zamir that Netanyahu has picked fights with most of his top generals since Barak, including Benny Gantz, Gadi Eizenkot, and Herzi Halevi. It will also not be lost on Zamir that he was twice passed over in his quest for the top army job. If rumours are to be believed, Netanyahu prefers his army generals not to be well-versed in regional affairs, but rather to focus on combat duties and soldiering.

Therein may lie the problem: Zamir is very well-versed. He spent time at an influential Washington, D.C. think tank (the Washington Institute for Near East Policy) and was advised by Israel's foremost Arabist, Ehud Yaari, the only Israeli journalist to interview Yasser Arafat, Hosni Mubarak, King Hussein of Jordan, and Muammar Gaddafi. Zamir takes a special interest in Syria owing to his maternal lineage and has a more in-depth understanding of the region than most soldiers.

Menahem Kahana / AFP
Israel's newly appointed armed forces chief, Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir, (R) visits the Western Wall in the old city of Jerusalem on March 5, 2025.

Taking on the right

Zamir has opposed Netanyahu's more extremist political allies in the cabinet, who want to annex parts of Syria and Lebanon, and is keen to draw a line over the Golan Heights and to coordinate with the new Syrian government, which has been open to intelligence-sharing with Tel Aviv.

While Zamir is up against a formidable political bloc inside Israel, he is supported by the country's military-security establishment. Just over a month ago, more than a dozen former Israeli army and spy chiefs released a video calling for an end to the war in Gaza. Yossi Cohen, the former head of Mossad and a potential future prime minister, added that it was time for Netanyahu to go.

Zamir has more immediate problems, however, not least in recruitment—many Israelis now refuse to fight what they see as Netanyahu's war, not Israel's. Meanwhile, suicide rates among Israeli soldiers and veterans soar to all-time highs. Soldiers on their third or fourth tour of duty in Gaza since October 2023 are exhausted and demotivated. They think Netanyahu's cabinet simply wants an indefinite campaign.

Netanyahu has picked fights with most of his top generals since Barak, including Benny Gantz, Gadi Eizenkot, and Herzi Halevi

Israel's saviour?

Some Israelis call on former generals such as Gantz and Eizenkot to urge Zamir to speak more openly against Netanyahu, knowing that Zamir was against the Gaza City expansion and saw negotiations as the best way to bring the hostages home (which, in the end, they were). They also know that Zamir fears a deepening of Israeli divisions the longer the war continues, fears many share.

In short, many in Israel see Zamir as someone who can save them from Netanyahu. Until then, Zamir is duty-bound to follow Netanyahu's orders, but he has already had a big effect: his public questioning of the logic behind further operations in Gaza played a key role in bringing about a ceasefire. More broadly, his bond with former army chiefs like Eizenkot, Gantz and Barak means that the relative moderates of Israeli politics live to fight another day. That, alone, is a victory.

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