Opinion

Sadly, some Syrians still see Lebanon as an enclave

The Assads never thought of Lebanon as an independent, sovereign nation, but rather as an extension of Syria. Now, there are signs that their successors may feel the same. That would harm both states.

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Akram Al-Bunni
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Sadly, some Syrians still see Lebanon as an enclave

Akram Al-Bunni
last update on

In 2006, around 274 intellectuals, politicians, and activists from Syria and Lebanon signed a joint declaration advocating for a fundamental reform of bilateral relations, strained by decades of Syrian military and security dominance.

They called on Syria to unequivocally recognise Lebanon’s independence, proceed with border demarcation, and establish diplomatic exchanges. They also urged respect for differences in political and economic systems as a source of richness and diversity.

The regime of Bashar al-Assad responded swiftly and severely. Many of the Syrian signatories were arrested, dismissed from their positions, or forced to retire. Recognising Lebanon’s independence, it seems, was a step too far.

Bashar and his father Hafez, who collectively ruled Syria for the past half a century, are widely believed to have seen Lebanon as an extension of its own territory rather than as an independent, sovereign neighbour.

With the Assads now a chapter in the history books, many had hoped that the view from Damascus regarding the status of Lebanon would change, yet it appears that it is, in fact, widespread. This threatens discord at (what should be) a time of opportunity.

Part of Greater Syria

The view from some is that the Lebanese people had no right to establish their republic a century ago since they live in the broader nation of Syria. In this argument, Lebanon is merely a construct of French colonialism at the expense of Syrian geography. Adherents cite the days of the Ottoman Empire when Lebanon was part of Greater Syria (it was the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate, or Governorate).

Social inclusivity and political tolerance are dominant themes emerging from the statements of Syria’s new leaders, which gets to the fundamental right of any community to self-determination and the ability to choose the social and political framework to which it wishes to belong.

Yet when it comes to Lebanon, which is almost 19 times smaller than Syria, mutual respect can sometimes ebb away. Some Syrians have been angered by reports of racism suffered by Syrian refugees in Lebanon, which has boosted the argument that they are not immigrants if Lebanon is actually part of Syria.

Some believe the Lebanese people had no right to establish their republic since they live in 'Greater Syria'

Recent history is littered with grievances, not least the military intervention in Syria by the Lebanese militia Hezbollah that kept al-Assad in power, which in turn continued the immense suffering of millions of Syrians. This caused simmering resentment, despite many Lebanese opposing both the hateful racism against Syrian refugees and the oppressive and destructive role that Hezbollah played in Syria.

Some in Syria, including those now in power, would rather Lebanon revert to its Mutasarrifate status while Syria reclaims its broader territorial scope. They regard Ottoman rule as a historical highlight, not as occupation and colonialism.

A turbulent history

There is no denying the unique and deep-rooted ties between Syria and Lebanon, but the two nations' shared history is not a healthy one. They have grappled with numerous issues over recent decades due to differences in political and economic systems.

Relations nosedived when the Syrian regime intervened in Lebanon militarily in 1976. Syrian hegemony over Lebanon was confirmed following the 1989 Taif Accord, which ended Lebanon's 15-year civil war, leaving Syria in the role of primary powerbroker. In the 1990s, up to 40,000 Syrian troops were stationed in Lebanon, while Syrian intelligence penetrated Lebanese networks.

The was reduced to a tool for enhancing Syrian regional influence under various pretexts, such as safeguarding Syria against supposed threats. They went from bad to worse when Lebanon's political elite appeared to form an alliance with Hezbollah. 

The White House said there were "indications" that Damascus was trying to obstruct the creation of an international tribunal to try those involved in the February 2005 assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri, whose killing was widely believed to have been carried out by Hezbollah.

Chance to change

Independence advocates in both countries want to build sovereign states with strong social, economic, political, and cultural ties, free from Iran's expansionist regional ambitions. Their fear is the fragmentation of these nations along sectarian lines.

As part of this nation-building, ideological discourse can be employed to stir nationalistic emotions and ignite enthusiasm against common external foes (such as imperialist Zionism) and for common causes (such as liberating Palestine).

Independence advocates in both Syria and Lebanon want to build sovereign states with strong social, economic, political, and cultural ties, free from Iran

Yet neither Syria nor Lebanon are the same after Israel's 2024 war on Lebanon. Hezbollah is diminished, al-Assad is gone, and both nations have been freed from the grip of Iranian influence, creating a rare opportunity to redefine the broken social contract and embrace governance rooted in the rule of law and strong institutions.

This is a pivotal moment. It is a chance for both Lebanon and Syria to start to resolve their deep-rooted problems. To do so, they will need to work together to build a new relationship based on fresh foundations, one that acknowledges the past while respecting each country's right to determine its own present and future. 

This would lay the groundwork for mutual trust and engagement. Dismissing and denying Lebanon's status as a nation (internationally recognised as such since 1943) will only provide succour to those nations who do not want Lebanon and Syria to do well. It is in our collective interest to remove this tension from bilateral relations.

Fences to fix

At a time when both the Lebanese and Syrian people are trying to rebuild after war, with enemies lurking, this is a time to learn the lessons of the past and move beyond arguments of sovereignty once and for all. Relations need to be on an equal footing, grounded in mutual respect, and free from oppression, discrimination, and arrogance.  

There is an urgent need for cultural, civil, and grassroots initiatives in both Syria and Lebanon to ease tensions and build links. On a personal level, the Lebanese people have shown commitment and resolve in standing by Syrians since 2011, despite suffering under the actions of the Assad regime for many years.

There is also a need for better border security. For years, leaky borders have meant that Syrian-produced Captagon has been smuggled over the border into Lebanon, fuelling a $10bn global trade that has angered Arab leaders.

Another area that could improve relations is the return of roughly 1.5 million Syrian refugees living in Lebanon. To date, less than 60,000 have returned. Beyond the issue of refugees, the border between Syria and Lebanon (both land and maritime) has still not been demarcated. As the old saying goes, good fences make good neighbours.

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Related topics Syria Lebanon Syria-Lebanon border