Goo-goo for Giorgia: Why Starmer is so smitten with Italy's migration policies

A look at Meloni's deal with Albania and what Labour hopes to learn from the far-right Brothers of Italy and its tough-on-migration approach

Britain's Prime Minister Keir Starmer (L), Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni (C) and Albania's Prime Minister Edi Rama attend a working group session on Migration in Woodstock, southern England, on July 18, 2024.
Hollie Adams / AFP
Britain's Prime Minister Keir Starmer (L), Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni (C) and Albania's Prime Minister Edi Rama attend a working group session on Migration in Woodstock, southern England, on July 18, 2024.

Goo-goo for Giorgia: Why Starmer is so smitten with Italy's migration policies

One of the very first actions taken by the incoming Labour government was the scrapping of the previous administration’s Rwanda policy. The Conservatives had gone to the country before it was properly implemented, so we shall never know whether the threat of being sent to Africa after arriving in a dinghy on the beaches of Kent would have deterred any migrants from setting off from France in the first place.

Maybe the fact that Rishi Sunak called an early election, rather than waiting to find out, is sufficient indication that it wasn’t going to work. In the view of Sir John Major, the former prime minister, it was a misbegotten policy, both un-Conservative and un-British, that deserved to fail.

He told the BBC’s Amol Rajan: “We used to transport people, nearly 300 years ago, from our country. Felons, who at least have had a trial and been found guilty of something, albeit that the trial might have been cursory. I don’t think transportation, for that is what it is, is a policy suitable for the 21st century.”

Major even seemed to question the preoccupation with migration in the first place, saying he disliked “intensely the way society has come to regard immigration as an ill in the way it has. I don’t agree with that; I’ve never agreed with it”. He added that people who come to the UK on small boats do so “because they’re not quite sure where to go.”

These attitudes are scarcely ever voiced by Conservatives nowadays. Robert Jenrick, one of the candidates to replace Sunak as leader of his depleted party, has chosen immigration as his specialist subject. As Minister of State for Immigration back in 2023, he said that asylum seekers should be housed “in the most basic accommodation possible, including disused army bases and possibly ships, to save money and to dissuade people from coming to the UK.” In the House of Commons, he elaborated on this by saying, “We must not elevate the wellbeing of illegal migrants above those of the British people.”

But Jenrick would finally be inducted into the Hall of Infamy over comments he made about reception centres designed for unaccompanied children. Apparently, these centres contained murals depicting Disney characters, such as Mickey Mouse or Baloo from The Jungle Book. Jenrick ordered that the cartoon characters be painted over in order to provide a less welcoming atmosphere for the children.

Some of this meanness might arguably have percolated down to the kind of people who thought the atmosphere should be less welcoming in general. These were the people who, after the Tories had been defeated in the General Election, thought it was a clever idea to surround a hotel known to accommodate migrants and attempt to set fire to the people inside. If there was no Rwanda policy to deter them, maybe the threat of conflagration would do the trick.

In view of the speed with which Sir Keir Starmer, the new prime minister, junked the Rwanda policy, it is at least curious that – just three months later – he has been to Italy and taken such a well-publicised ‘interest’ in what Giorgia Meloni has been doing to minimise migrant numbers.

AFP
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer walk in the garden of Villa Doria Pamphili after their meeting on September 16, 2024 in Rome.

Because Meloni is definitely not left-wing, nor are her views on immigrants so different from those of Robert Jenrick. She has made a tougher stand on illegal immigration a staple of her campaign speeches. Between 2016 and 2018, she often spoke of "ethnic substitution", the conspiracy theory also known as the "great replacement", in which obscure forces were imposing immigration on Italy to replace its native population with a low-wage foreign labour force.

In April of 2023, Jenrick said that refugees crossing the English Channel "cannibalise" communities by importing "different lifestyles and values" – which he claimed undermined "cultural cohesiveness" – and that the "nation has a right to preserve itself."

If there was any doubt about the identity of the 'cannibals' in question, one only has to consult the views of Douglas Murray, say, or the multitude of similar individuals who, like Richard Dawkins, have discovered how 'culturally' Christian they are when faced with less desirable monotheists.

Maybe John Major was naïve to add to his charge that opposing immigration was "un-Conservative, un-British", the assertion that – "if one dare say so in a secular society" – it was un-Christian. Something that Meloni freely articulated in the past, though she now tends to temper her remarks, is that Italy does not want immigrants from Africa—especially those who are Muslim. "Every nation," Meloni has said, "has the right to choose an immigration that is more compatible with its own culture. In Venezuela, there are millions of people starving – they are Christian – often of Italian origin. So, if we need immigrants, let's take them from Venezuela."

It is no secret that Meloni has a very right-wing past. Back in her fiery youth, she was even prepared to give Mussolini the benefit of the doubt. In 1996, aged just 19, she gave an interview on French TV in which she stated, "Mussolini was a good politician. Everything he did, he did for the good of the country, unlike the politicians of the last 50 years."

Meloni's party is called Brothers of Italy, a name inspired by the words of Italy's national anthem:

'Brothers of Italy,

Italy has awoken,

With Scipio's helmet

Upon her head.

Where is Victory?

Let her bow down,

For God has made her

A slave of Rome.'

It's stirring stuff. The best bits are at the start and at the very end, but the rest is a little histrionic for my taste. Still, I recommend any reader with a passing interest in national anthems to give it a whirl. I especially like how it's concluding word, 'Si', is sung with great gusto. Surely, it is no coincidence that James Joyce, who once lived in Trieste, chose the word 'Yes' for the ending of Ulysses. That said, the two yeses could hardly be more different.

One of the Brothers of Italy's campaign slogans declared: "We defend God, Fatherland and Family." This same slogan was part of Mussolini's propaganda and greeted with dismay by Italy's leftwing press. But Meloni is careful to point out that the slogan was coined by Giuseppe Mazzini, one of Italy's founding fathers in the time of 19th-century unification. The fact that it can be read two ways – either as an expression of democratic nationalism or as an echo of fascism – is typical of a certain ambiguity that Meloni likes to maintain, which her critics call her "doppiezza" or doubleness.

'At the moment, Meloni is having it both ways: a moderate in economic and foreign policy and a right-winger on issues such as immigration and family policy, working hard to shut down illegal immigration and cracking down on gay couples trying to adopt children. She sees herself as defending Italy against the corrosive and homogenising effects of global capitalism, a hyperactive EU bureaucracy, secular values and chaotic immigration.'

Domestically, Meloni trades on a reputation for straight-talking. She is known to revert to Roman dialect to make a point, and she seldom dissembles her feelings, whether they are joyous – as in her smiles for the Labour delegation – or miffed, like the time she scowled at Emmanuel Macron at an EU summit. Telling it 'like it is' doesn't sit easily with doppiezza, but there is one quality that raises a politician above the level of mere self-contradiction, and that is charisma. She has this quality in abundance, and it is so rare among European politicians that she benefits from the contrast:

"I am proud that most people continue to call me Giorgia," she once declared. "That's very important and precious to me. For years, people made fun of me because of my popular roots: they called me a fishmonger, a fruit seller, and a street kid because they're so educated. What they never understood is that I am proud of being a woman of the people."

In view of the speed with which Starmer junked the Rwanda policy, it is curious that he has taken such a keen 'interest' in Meloni's tough-on-migration approach

So, where does the new British prime minister fit into all this? Sir Keir Starmer is so lacking in charisma that one wonders if he was there at Meloni's side simply in the hope that some of it would rub off. His Italian counterpart was keen to emphasise that the British were very interested in her deal with Albania. Maybe they were.

Without denying it, Starmer put his sudden interest down to British 'pragmatism.' He said he was impressed that Italy had made such 'remarkable progress' and managed to reduce the 'irregular' migrant figures by 60%. Meloni, meanwhile, dismissed claims that Italy had violated human rights in doing so as 'completely groundless.'

In truth, though, the Albanian deal looks strictly bilateral. It has also come under sustained fire from the opposition as an expensive, cruel and pointless policy – the very same words regularly associated with the Rwanda scheme. The idea is to take 'irregular' migrants off their boats and send them to a port in Albania, from which they will be taken to a centre for their asylum claims to be processed. Those who are deemed worthy of asylum will be returned to Italy. Those who are considered purely economic migrants will be deported.

No vulnerable people – children, pregnant women, 'or people fleeing persecution' – will be sent to the port of Shëngjin, about 45 miles south of the country's capital, Tirana. The less lucky ones will arrive in a reception centre still to be built. It appears that the majority of the 36,000 migrants the Italians plan to send each year will be men and sometimes separated from their families.

The Italian government will be able to remove migrants from view, while the Albanians will benefit from Meloni's assistance in getting the European Union to make their country a member. It helps that Albania prides itself on its hospitality. Italy, one gathers, not so much.

The European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyden, has endorsed the Italy-Albania deal, calling it "an example of out-of-the-box thinking, based on fair sharing of responsibilities with third countries."

The reaction in Italy has not always been so enthusiastic. Matteo Mauri, a member of the opposition Democratic party, estimated that the accord would cost Italy 653 million euros in the first five years for what he said was a negligible number of migrants: "Not only is the accord completely useless and of dubious legitimacy according to European Union legislation," Mauri said, but it is also "immensely costly." The money could instead be spent in Italy on existing processing centres.

Migrants picked up at sea while attempting to cross the English Channel from France disembark from a UK Border Force boat in the Marina at the Dover port on August 16, 2024, before being taken to a processing centre.

Stefano Manservisi, professor of Transnational Governance at the Florence-based European University Institute, called the deal a "baroque construction" that created a double reception system. There's that doppiezza charge all over again!

"Italy," he complained, "says that immigration has to be managed at a European level and now subtracts a part of this problem from the European debate. On one side, Italy says that it receives little help from the European system, but on the other, it creates a system that can't benefit from any European support."

The general consensus among the critics is that this whole plan has the whiff of propaganda about it. Like the Rwanda scheme, it allows the Italian state to look busy. So why are ministers in Starmer's Labour government 'interested' in such a harebrained and possibly inhumane arrangement? I suspect the truth is they're not. It's all about the 60% decrease in numbers, and that, in turn, has nothing to do with a plan that, thus far, isn't even operational.

The real interest, therefore, is focused on the earlier deals struck by the Italians and Europe with Mauritania, Libya, Tunisia and Egypt. It is these agreements, involving large amounts of money, that have led to the falling off of numbers. They are not bilateral deals, however. Italy came to its own arrangement with Libyan coastguards in 2017. For the rest, Rome has only been party to an agreement. The money has come from the European Union as a whole.

Despite a fresh government and the quelling of race riots, migration has not fallen out of the public discourse in Britain. However, the jargon of the trade has changed somewhat. Since the Tories fell from power, the preferred expression is 'irregular' rather than 'illegal' migration. There is talk of breaking the hold of the people smugglers, increasing security cooperation with the rest of Europe, and working to change things 'upstream' – a word favoured by the Foreign Secretary, David Lammy.

While Meloni strives to 'externalise' Italy's borders, Lammy seems keen to invest money in the countries where the migrants are coming from – in sub-Saharan Africa, for example – to remove the incentive to migrate. This will be a difficult feat to pull off, given the fiscal tightening expected in the forthcoming budget.  

Despite a fresh government and the quelling of race riots, migration has not fallen out of the public discourse in Britain.

Over in Europe, there has been a change in jargon, too, but in the opposite direction. The far right in Germany has openly advocated deporting not just asylum seekers but even German citizens of foreign origin. A report by the European Council on Foreign Relations and the European Cultural Foundation highlights the 'whiteness' of EU politics and the rise in xenophobia. The AfD and Italy's Lega have given voice to "anti-Muslim tropes", and there has been a gradual mainstreaming of a "xenophobic worldview."

Taking Tunisia as an example of how EU efforts to curb migration might work on the ground, the Guardian (19 September 2024) investigated the conditions in Sfax, a city on the coast to which migrants are drawn across the border, only to find the sea route closed.

The article is harrowing. It includes accounts of the Tunisian national guard raping and torturing migrants or loading them onto buses and dumping them in the desert borderlands with Libya or Algeria without phones, money, food or water.

Others become marooned in olive groves near El Amra, a town north of Sfax. There, perhaps as many as 100,000 people have no resources and no access to aid agencies. "They eat dead animals, roadkill, anything they find," said one eyewitness. In the absence of healthcare, the camp is rife with diseases, including tuberculosis, HIV, scabies and syphilis, and concerns are mounting over the infant mortality rate. Babies are born in 40C heat without medical help, vaccination or food.

The EU pledged £88 million of migration-related funding to Tunisia in 2023. Large sums, according to internal documents, appear to have gone to the national guard. The pact vows to combat migrant smugglers. The Guardian's investigation, however, alleged that some National Guard officers were colluding with smugglers to arrange migrant boat trips.

Despite this, the number of refugees and migrants near El Amra continues to grow. It's even possible that Tunisia's president, Kais Saied, is deliberately cultivating the problem as a threat to Europe, thus ensuring that the money keeps flowing.

Fethi Belaid / AFP
Migrants from sub-Saharan Africa sit next to makeshift shelters at a camp al-Amra on the outskirts of the Tunisian port city of Sfax on April 23, 2024.

Using patrol boats provided by Europe, Tunisia's maritime national guard has prevented more than 50,000 people from crossing the Mediterranean this year, prompting the steep fall in numbers reaching Italy that so piqued Starmer's interest. Tunisia is being paid to become Europe's coastguard.

It's a well-remunerated role, not least for the president. It is claimed that £127 million, as part of a wider migration and development deal, was transferred directly to Saied. Asked for clarification, the European Commission said the payment followed Tunisia meeting "mutually agreed conditions."

The irony of all this is the way exactly the same anti-immigrant arguments can be employed in an Islamic country, this time in an effort to demonise incoming sub-Saharan Africans. Back in February 2023, Le Monde reported that Saied had attributed their arrival to a plot to weaken the country's Arab Islamic identity. "There is a criminal plan," he insisted, "to change the composition of the demographic landscape in Tunisia, and some individuals have received large sums of money to give residence to sub-Saharan migrants."

Warming to his theme, the president urged the security forces to clamp down on these migrants who were moving to the country and creating an "unnatural" situation, turning Tunisia into "just another African country that doesn't belong to the Arab and Islamic nations anymore." He added that these "hordes" had come to Tunisia "with all the violence, crime and unacceptable practices that entails."

In short, a great replacement was underway, of civilised Arabs by lawless black people. Apparently, Meloni is not the only politician to deploy a little doppiezza when it suits them. Fortunately for the conscience of bureaucrats in Brussels, all this amounts to a quarrel in a faraway country, between people of whom they know nothing.

Meanwhile, back in Albania, there are reports that a seafood restaurant has opened in Shëngjin, the port where migrants would disembark after failing to reach Italy. The restaurant's owner is close to the Albanian prime minister, Edi Rama, and has commissioned one of Albania's most famous artists, Helidon Haliti, to decorate the place with no less than seventy portraits of a well-known Italian patriot. In some of the pictures she is smiling, in others she is serious or angry. The artist doesn't share her politics, but nonetheless, he was drawn to her 'very interesting, strong character.'

Well, aren't we all? Sounds like just the kind of place her new British fans might like. It's called Trattoria Meloni.

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