Robert Stephen Ford, the next US ambassador to Syria following a five-year absence, is “an avid reader of history and a diplomat.” That’s how he describes himself in his Amazon profile. What this discreet career diplomat doesn’t say is that he has become one of the foremost Arabists of the US foreign service, crawling up the ladder over the last quarter of a century, mostly in Arab countries. He’s a savvy powerbroker who has quietly bent Middle Eastern politics, most noticeably in Iraq. But for the first time, Mr. Ford will be operating under a spotlight as he tries to lure Syria away from Iran, all while Israel ratchets its bellicose language against Damascus. Will he take the heat?
Mr. Ford will not be arriving to rekindle a friendship, either. After all, Syria was included in Bush’s era “Axis of evil” in 2002, and it gained world pariah status for its yet unclear role in the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri on February 14, 2005. US sanctions are still in place. But Damascus has regained much of its clout in the region since. President Bashar al Assad has mended ties with his Arab neighbors, without surrendering them with Tehran, and he is cozying up to regional powerhouse Turkey to increase his bargaining power in the standoff with Israel.
To be sure, Syria convinced western diplomats it can play both ways. The invisible hand of Damascus has been credited with convincing Hamas to accept the Arab-proposed peace offering to Israel, with easing sectarian tensions in Iraq via Sunni politicians, and with Hezbollah’s recent shows of restraint, both inside and outside Lebanon. President Barack Obama, unlike his predecessor, does not demand that Syria sever its relations to Iran, Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah and Hamas. But he does want Syria to facilitate regional stability. And that’s where the new ambassador comes in, probably this summer, after the Senate confirms the nomination.
Ford has an impressive track record when it comes to brokering solutions against all odds. Working behind the scenes as counselor of political affairs of the US Embassy in Baghdad, he has been credited with playing a critical role in mending Iraqi sectarian divisions in every single milestone: the January 2005 elections, the establishment of the transition government, the writing of the new constitution, the October 2005 referendum, the December 2005 national elections, and the 2009 provincial elections.
Initially after the 2003 invasion, Mr. Ford was sidelined by Washington hawks who saw little need for co-opting Iraqis into collaborating. But his knowledge was critical when the Bush administration backtracked to reincorporate Sunnis back into the political mainstream. In Iraq he also apparently reinforced his democratic idealism. Back in 2006, during an online chat with Americans when he worked in the US embassy he said: “There are two forces at work in the Arab world now: those who want more freedom of choice and religious fundamentalists who want to shut choice off.”
Before returning to Iraq in 2008 to his current post as deputy head of mission, he was ambassador in Algeria for two years. His record there is mixed. US interests were well served, bilateral trade boomed, and he led a return to good diplomatic relations. But he was also harshly criticized for intruding in internal affairs. Algiers protested his embassy’s apparent premature warning of a terrorist attacks in 2007, which triggered chaos in the capital, to the point official media demanded that he be expelled. But that seemed more of an excuse.
What really made the government uncomfortable was his willingness to meet opposition groups openly. It’s hard to say whether that was just an academic exercise or a calculated move to support democratic engagement. But doing so in Syria would be a bigger gamble. Regardless, in two years he steered US-Algerian relation to new highs, economically and diplomatically. He was pivotal in negotiating a bilateral nuclear cooperation deal, an experience that could well serve Syria if indeed insists on developing its own program, especially when the other tender could well come from Tehran.
Ford’s priority is to sway Syria into isolating Iran, probably unattainable considering historic and economic bonds. But he could certainly play a significant role in one of the most destabilizing elements in the region: the Golan Heights. His negotiating expertise could come in handy in Syrian peace talks with Israel that would have far-reaching ripple effects from Lebanon to Palestine, especially now that Tel Aviv has intensified its saber-rattling against Damascus.
Syria could also be critical in any future agreement between Palestinian factions, as well as reconciliation in Lebanon, via its ties to Hamas and Hezbollah. It’s equally decisive to Iraq’s future, not only by reigning in militant Baathist operating from its territory, but by simply securing its borders. Ford will also be tasked with cementing US influence in the country by strengthening bilateral economic ties. Syria is also a key transit territory into Europe for Middle Eastern gas from Egypt, Iraq, and Iran.
Ford has an arts and masters degree from Johns Hopkins School, where he specialized in economy and international studies. He served in the Peace Corps in Morocco, his first exposure to Muslim countries. He joined the foreign service as an economics officer in 1985 and built his diplomatic career in Turkey, Egypt, Cameroon, and Bahrain, where he served as the deputy chief before he was sent to Iraq for the first time. He has multiple awards and speaks Arabic, French, Turkish, and German. His wife Alison Barkley is also a US diplomat working in the Iraqi embassy. Their official home is Baltimore, Maryland. But how quickly they return will depend on how he handles the spotlight of reestablishing relations with Damascus. For now, his slate, like Syria’s, is clean.
