Jean-Luc Mélenchon: An unapologetic leftist in a confused France

Challenging a personal hero

He was a member of radical left-wing groups before he aligned with the Socialist Party in the 1970s. He rose through the ranks of the left, eventually challenging François Mitterrand for the leadership of France's Communist Party.

That gave Mélenchon's name a prominence in the party that it has never lost.

He was elected as a member of the Municipal Council of Massy in the suburbs of southern Paris in 1976 and later as a member of the Local Council of Essonne Department. As he rose through the socialist ranks, his only government experience came in 2002, when he was appointed Deputy Minister for Vocational Education.

Mélenchon's brief stint in government did not alter the direction of his politics. He stood by his beliefs and won election to the European Parliament as a senator from the far left.

Throughout his time with the Socialist Party, Mélenchon was part of its radical left wing. 

When François Hollande took France's presidency in 2012, Mélenchon became one of the government's most vociferous critics in parliament, becoming part of a group of deputies famously opposed to the president. Via another leftist party, he set up La France Insoumise and has retained his public profile ever since.

His radical leftist ideas helped him manoeuvre into position as one of the top three contenders for the presidency, even after his setback and thoughts of retirement after the 2022 race. A strong showing for his coalition in the subsequent parliamentary elections helped.

Mélenchon's characteristic resolve can also be seen in one of his heroes, François Mitterrand, who aimed to unify the left and emerge as a substantial political force. But Mitterrand became president, while Mélenchon lost and watched a centre-right rival win power.

From Mitterrand to Macron

But it meant Mélenchon could go on to lead a radical opposition within the National Assembly, seeking to limit Macron's government.

Once again, this leftist leader has shown consistency, opposing the government over hot-button political issues from the Ukraine conflict to pension system reforms.

But as the next presidential race looms, just as the country's social conditions feel a little more revolutionary, French politics faces a new phenomenon that may not help Mélenchon: the rise of the far-right.

Read more: The rise of Europe's far right: Origins and dangers

Mélenchon has long been determined and dogged, but rarely has he been able to translate his victories into sustained progress for his cause, either for the parties he leads or the ideals he champions.

The left can be full of ego-driven politics and is prone to impracticality and a lack of foresight. This emerged in 2022 when Mélenchon squandered a promising alliance with a penchant for exaggeration and too much radicalism.

Dares to be different

But he dares to be different, and that could get him noticed again. As well as his alignment with Putin and his sympathy for Chávez, Mélenchon prefers the BRICS alliance — Brazil, Russia India, China and South Africa, which could soon expand — over NATO, even amid the war in Ukraine. And this comes from a profound personal political conviction. It is not contrarianism.

When faced with resurgent nationalism, a return to tribalism and resurgent identity politics, Mélenchon stands as a global revolutionary, at the end of a path trodden by the likes of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara.

His extremism and combative spirit come straight from the annals of French revolutionary history.

At a 2022 conference organised by France's Institut La Boétie, a thinktank, Mélenchon said:  "About 400 years ago in Paris, the first demonstration in ancient times was organised by soldiers from the ancestors of the French Gaulois during the Roman Empire. This took place in Boulevard Saint-Michel because they refused to go to war in the East."

He argued that Paris has had revolution in the air since it was founded. But it is not sure that the example he used is correct. It may even be that the street he mentioned did not exist then.

Perhaps this skilled orator and experienced political operator is overestimating the zeal of the city and the country, even if both did give the world a list of famous revolutionary events, from the Bastille to the Commune to the tumult of May 1968.

Old-school foreign policy

In terms of foreign policy, Mélenchon yearns for the struggle against capitalism and imperialism, as if he were in the Soviet Union era or aiming to weave a global socialist and internationalist dream, possibly betting on a revolutionary France allied with Russia, China, Brazil, and South Africa to shift the international balance.

It is undeniable that Mélenchon's anti-European ideas could lead to deadlock for the bloc. According to political expert Olivier Costa, violating some European treaties and laws, as advocated by the radical leftist leader, could lead to a slow disintegration of the European Union and isolate France.

Mélenchon's critics also say his taste for radical politics leaves him aligned with the Islamic left, or even full-blown Islamists. A former Marseille deputy admits that "defending Muslims in his (Mélenchon's) country only brings him trouble," adding that he does it "because it's in France's interest."

In contrast to the far right — which champions exclusive French nationalism rooted in a fascist past — Mélenchon stands at the helm of a resolute national left that believes in diversity. This clash between hardened adversaries could lead France into bitter conflicts.

The weakening of democracies, the rise of technocracies, and the fraying fabric of globalisation have made it more difficult for France to return to the era of the inspired leader or the lone, charismatic captain. The kind of political personality Mélenchon represents does not look in tune with difficult times.

France glories in its revolutionary past. But in more complex, modern-day times the country feels more bewildered than radical. And that could deter its voters from choosing a figure like Mélenchon for its future.