Two stirring speeches and one anti-fascist song tell a story of a divided Europe

How a fiery speech by far-right Hungarian PM Victor Orbán at the European Parliament, followed by an unusually stirring speech by Ursula von der Leyen, inspired a group of MPs to break out into song

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen delivers a speech at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, eastern France, on October 9, 2024.
FREDERICK FLORIN / AFP
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen delivers a speech at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, eastern France, on October 9, 2024.

Two stirring speeches and one anti-fascist song tell a story of a divided Europe

It’s one of the staples of television news to show punch-ups in parliamentary settings. These days, such scenes are as common as natural disasters. On some occasions, it is more than a mere scuffle. Back in 1981, soon after the restoration of democracy in Spain, the Plenary Hall in Madrid was briefly occupied by 200 armed soldiers unhappy with the new order.

It is not every day, however, that parliamentarians are heard singing in an unruly manner. Yet, on 9 October, this is exactly what happened in the European parliament in Strasbourg. Two very different speeches were given that afternoon. The one that led to the sudden outburst of singing was delivered by the leader of Hungary, Viktor Orbán, to mark the beginning of his country’s six-month presidency of the European Council. The second was an unusually stirring speech by the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, in which she roundly condemned Orbán.

It was a left-wing group of MEPs who sang ‘Bella Ciao’ at the tops of their voices, a song traditionally associated with the partisans who resisted fascism in Italy. The ‘bella’ in question is a beautiful maiden the singer is forced to leave behind in order to fight for the anti-fascist cause. The song has a repetitive ‘ciao, ciao, ciao’ chorus that lends itself to a full-throated chorus.

After tolerating the singing for a while, the speaker of the European Parliament, Roberta Metsola, found a witty way to bring it to a halt by reminding the assembled representatives that this was not Eurovision. What’s the betting that some country or another will choose a cover version of the old tune for their next entry? Despite the song’s origins, that country is unlikely to be Italy.

Partisan ditties are not something one associates with the European parliament. Proceedings there – at least since Brexit and the departure of Nigel Farage – have had a more placid, bureaucratic tone, but the recent elections have exposed some very atavistic tendencies across the continent. In France, Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella came within an ace of forming a government. In Germany, two eastern states, Saxony and Thuringia, saw wins for the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). In Austria, the far-right Freedom Party got the most votes. The parliamentarians and the newly re-elected Von der Leyen know all too well that the right in Europe has the wind in its sails.

Viktor Orbán is a prominent figure in this right-wing surge. Back in July, Politico described him standing in central Vienna alongside fellow populists from Austria and the Czech Republic, triumphantly announcing his new club, Patriots for Europe, a grouping inside the European Parliament which is now the third largest. Back then, it already encompassed the core territories of the former Habsburg lands – Austria, Bohemia and Hungary – and Orbán left no doubt who would be in charge:

“We are creating a political formation,” he declared, “that, in my view, will take off like a rocket and very quickly become the largest group of the European right. The sky is the limit.”

As Politico pointed out, the group’s name is a textbook antiphrasis, meaning the opposite of what it seems, like calling a tall man tiny: ‘While the “patriots” are many things, being “for Europe” is not among them.’ Once ostracised by Europe's political elite, Orbán ‘is now the talisman of Europe's mainstream right.

As he addressed parliament this time around, Orbán was at it again. Speaking in Hungarian, he lamented Britain's departure from the EU, blaming this for an imbalance on the continent that favoured a drive against sovereignty and independent national policy. This hinted at his longstanding refusal to accept migrant quotas.

The parliamentarians and the newly re-elected Von der Leyen know all too well that the right in Europe has the wind in its sails

In a 2018 speech, he was candid in his scaremongering: "I think there are many people who would like to see the end of Christian Europe, and they believe that if they replace its cultural subsoil, if they bring in millions of people from new ethnic groups which are not rooted in Christian culture, then they will transform Europe according to their conception."

While this invocation of great replacement theory was emphatic in its defence of Christendom – there's a definite touch of the besieged gates of Vienna about it – yet the enemies are not primarily the modern equivalent of Ottoman hordes, but the 'many people' who let these ethnic groups through. Sadly, it falls to people like Orbán to hold the line.

So, when he came to address the European Parliament, he attributed – somewhat paradoxically, given his aggressively conservative stance on family, sexuality and George Soros – a rise in homophobia, violence against women, and antisemitism to the arrival of immigrants in the European Union, welcomed by the existing asylum system, and urged the Union to process all asylum applications in centres outside the EU. Any other proposed solutions were "illusions."

There must be times when more liberal-minded stalwarts of European Union wonder what they did in a former life to deserve the Hungarian prime minister. Migration is not a topic Ursula von der Leyen would relish at this time, controversial as her own policies have been, and conscious as she is of the calls for 'remigration' from the right, in Germany and now Austria. Perhaps the prime minister calculated that her own embarrassment would force her to temper any response.

If so, it must have come as quite a shock when von der Leyen replied with a forthright and spirited speech. She spoke in English, aware that Orbán speaks the language fluently, and accused him of having released convicted people smugglers and traffickers from his prisons before they had done their time. This, she said, was a policy of 'throwing problems over your neighbour's fence.'

She also reminded the Hungarian people of how the European Union had come to their assistance during the recent floods. "The water reached the gates of the most iconic landmarks in Budapest," she said. "It destroyed crops and damaged factories. But in these three weeks, we have seen the people of Hungary rolling up their sleeves and helping one another. Europe wants to be at their side."

Her sharpest attack, however, was against the Hungarian position on Ukraine. For this, she delivered a stern history lesson. Her barbs included unflattering comparisons of Orbán's own attitude to that of the freedom fighters back in 1956, who had opposed the Soviet tanks in vain: "There are still some who blame this war not on Putin's lust for power but on Ukraine's thirst for freedom, so I want to ask them: would they ever blame the Hungarians for the Soviet invasion in 1956? Would they ever blame the Czechs and Slovaks for the Soviet repression of 1968? Would they ever blame the Lithuanians for the Soviet crackdown of 1991?"

Then she added, pointedly: "There is no European language where peace is synonymous with surrender and sovereignty is synonymous with occupation."

No, not even Hungarian.

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